Remarks by Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar Julie Bishop
United Nations General Assembly High-level Conference on the Situation of Rohingya Muslims and other Minorities in Myanmar
New York, 30 September 2025
Excellencies,
This conference is focused on the situation of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar. However, a sustainable solution will require a settlement of the political crisis in Myanmar, fueled by the military takeover in February 2021 and the armed conflict that has evolved across the country.
The plight of the Rohingya and other minorities has persisted for decades, and now through the bitter internal conflict, the broader population is also suffering the consequences of war – casualties, displacement and growing humanitarian needs. Women and children are disproportionally affected.
Myanmar’s multifaceted crisis requires our immediate attention and urgent action. It is not easy to gain attention, and as the United Nations meeting last week of world leaders highlighted, there is a significant level of global turmoil and armed conflict. Yet people within Myanmar and along its borders are also suffering and are deserving of our support.
The violence continues between the military and ethnic armed organizations and people’s defense forces. There is no agreed ceasefire. There is no agreed pathway to peace. There is no agreed political solution. Human rights violations continue with impunity.
In my role as Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, I have heard from all the voices of Myanmar, and listened to the conflicting perspectives while remaining impartial and upholding UN values and principles, in order to help support and promote a Myanmar-led, sustainable, inclusive and peaceful political solution.
As part of my efforts to engage with all parties, I visited Myanmar again last week, my third visit, and met with State Security and Peace Commission (SSPC) leaders. I met for the second time with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in Nay Pyi Taw.
A zero-sum mentality persists across this highly polarized nation. Over 4 1/2 years since the military takeover, and while the fighting has been intense and the military has lost territory to ethnic armed organizations and others, there were expectations that there will be territorial gains during the process for the proposed election.
The initial international condemnation of the military takeover has subsided, and the Senior General has been welcomed to high level regional meetings with global and regional leaders.
His visits include to the capitals of Security Council member states, and reference was made to instances of the lifting of sanctions.
The SSPC which replaced the State Administration Council (SAC) after the expiration of the State of Emergency on 31 July, is preparing for elections to be held in three phases, commencing on 28 December in 102 out of 330 townships, with tightened security measures introduced in anticipation of violent disruption of the election process.
The Union Election Commission is preparing voters lists, party registration and candidate nominations.
The SSPC is planning an event to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). It is proposed to be a “Peace Forum” with invitations extended to supporters of the NCA, and a range of stakeholders including diplomats and other actors.
I met with representatives of the National Unity Government this week, as well as a number of Rohingya groups and civil society organizations.
I have regular conversations with ethnic armed organizations and other parties. There is a significant risk that the election planned for December, under current circumstances, will increase resistance, protest and violence and further undermine the fragile state of the country.
Views of ASEAN members range from strident opposition to the holding of elections under current circumstances, to resignation to the inevitable, to vocal support for elections as a potential circuit breaker.
The National League for Democracy, whose leaders remain under detention, along with other political prisoners, has reiterated that it does not recognize the SSPC’s plan to hold polls in limited areas, calling the exercise a “sham attempt” to gain political legitimacy.
As to the Rohingya, forcibly displaced again from Myanmar more than eight years ago, the escalating conflict in the country presents a seemingly insurmountable barrier to their return.
In my meetings with Rohingya, including over recent days with refugees living in Cox’s Bazar, they have called for an end to violence by all sides and the beginning of a journey toward peace, self-reliance, and the realization of their rights. Rohingya provided concrete examples of confidence-building measures that could be trialed among diverse communities, and outlined potential pathways toward inclusive dialogue, while underscoring that accountability for all actors was critical for reconciliation.
An inclusive Myanmar is only possible if it guarantees safety, justice, and opportunity for all communities, most critically the Rohingya, and addresses the root causes of conflict, discrimination, and disenfranchisement. As one representative put it, this is not just about survival, it is about recognition.
I visited Cox’s Bazar in February, where I heard directly from some of the 1.2 million Rohingya refugees who live in the crowded camps. They shared aspirations for further education, upskilling, and employment that would afford them dignity and self-reliance.
They wish to return home, to Rakhine, to rebuild their lives, and become leaders of their communities with control over their destiny.
They also spoke of new challenges posed by funding shortfalls, including shrinking opportunities for schooling and livelihoods. They highlighted the increasing vulnerability of some communities, particularly Rohingya women and youth, to criminal elements who capitalize on the desperate situation. Some have risked dangerous sea journeys in search of safety and opportunity.
Despite the generosity of donors, the reality is that the needs of the Rohingya in Bangladesh are outpacing resources at an alarming rate. The 2025 Joint Response Plan for the Rohingya Humanitarian Response is currently only thirty-seven per cent funded.
This is already having dire consequences for Rohingya in the camps, with critical cuts to their food rations and a sharp decline in access to education.
The World Food Programme (WFP) in Bangladesh warned this month that without new contributions, food assistance for the entire Rohingya community will come to a complete halt in two months. UNICEF has announced the suspension of major segments of its education program for both Rohingya refugees and Bangladeshi host communities in Cox’s Bazar.
As the Secretary-General has highlighted, there is an urgent need for strengthened international solidarity and increased support, in concert with efforts toward a comprehensive political solution that meaningfully includes the Rohingya.
As Rohingya refugees continue to push for a return home, addressing root causes of the crisis and sustaining efforts that improve the well-being of all communities in Rakhine State is more critical than ever. The Advisory Commission on Rakhine State headed by the late Kofi Annnan underscored the pervasive poverty among both Rakhine and Muslim communities, and the importance of addressing the low levels of socio-economic development, and enhancing intercommunal dialogue and reconciliation.
Women – Rohingya, ethnic Rakhine, as well as other minorities in the state – have also reportedly faced increasing sexual and gender-based violence from a range of armed groups. The fear and trauma among survivors and their communities has been deep and persistent.
Civilians have also been caught in an increasingly complex conflict, involving the Myanmar military, the Arakan Army, and other armed groups, with some civilians including children subjected to forced recruitment and other abuses.
In my engagement with all parties, I have underscored their responsibility to allow for unfettered access for the delivery of humanitarian assistance and other forms of essential services, adhere to international humanitarian law and civilian protection, and called on them to prevent further incitement of communal tensions.
I continue to call for an end to aerial bombardment targeting civilian infrastructure while the military maintains a narrative that justifies the bombings as a necessary action against groups they label ‘terrorists’, with comparisons to other conflicts.
I will continue working closely with ASEAN – its Chair, Special Envoy, and Member States. This partnership remains essential, particularly as the regional implications of the crisis continue to grow.
If left to fester, more will fall prey to transnational criminal networks, cyber scamming and drugs, in neighboring countries and beyond.
I acknowledge the leadership of Malaysia as ASEAN Chair and its efforts to foster dialogue among Myanmar actors and the international community. A coherent international approach must be grounded in a collective regional response. We must also strengthen regional protection efforts, to provide access to conflict-affected communities and further support host countries.
In addition to ASEAN, forging strong cooperation with other neighboring countries will remain a priority. I continue to engage with the European Union, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and others who have the capacity to influence outcomes. These actors in particular have a stake in Myanmar's peace and are positioned to influence positive change. I specifically look to the global Muslim community to, at the very least provide greater financial support to the plight of their Rohingya brothers and sisters.
I thank Professor Muhammad Yunus, Chief Advisor of the Interim Government of Bangladesh, for his leadership and for his commitment to find a lasting solution. I thank Bangladesh and other host countries for continuing to bear the responsibility of sheltering over one million Rohingya refugees.
People deserve to live with dignity, while longer-term solutions are pursued that permit them to return home.
An inclusive, peaceful, sustainable future for Myanmar must guarantee safety, accountability, and equity for all communities, including Rohingya Muslims and other minorities, while tackling the root causes of conflict, discrimination, and exclusion.
We are yet to find the common ground or willingness to compromise that will bring the myriad parties to the negotiating table.
Time is not on our side.
