Mr. President, Members of the Security Council,
 
The past month has been marked by some of the bloodiest incidents in this current wave of violence across Israel and the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem. On March 8th, 28 year-old American graduate student Taylor Force was killed in Jaffa during a vicious stabbing spree by a Palestinian that left a dozen Israelis and a number of tourists wounded. Less than an hour before that, two Israeli police officers were seriously wounded in a shooting attack near Jerusalem's Old City, while at almost the same time, an Israeli man was stabbed in an attack outside Tel Aviv; thankfully he survived. Israeli security forces killed the Palestinian perpetrators in the first two incidents while in the third; the attacker was reportedly killed by his own knife in a struggle with his attempted victim.
 
Mr. President,
 
Six months into this latest round of violence which has killed 30 Israelis and 198 Palestinians – with most of the Palestinians killed while reportedly carrying out knife, gun or car-ramming attacks – it is time that the international community moves beyond mere condemnations of such acts of terror and violence. It is time to send a clear message to both parties.
 
To the Palestinian people we need say very clearly-- stabbing someone in the street will not bring about a Palestinian state. Nor will praising and glorifying violence in the media. Those radicals determined to poison the minds of Palestinian youth must recognise their central role in the slow evisceration of the dream of Palestinian statehood.
 
By the same token, we must also be very clear- Israel should understand that building more walls, administrative detentions, punitive demolitions and movement restrictions, all breed anger among people who feel they are being collectively humiliated, punished and discriminated against.
 
Heavy-handed responses play into the hands of extremists, undermine moderate voices, and further deepen the gulf between the two sides.
 
Six months after the initial upsurge, it remains blatantly clear that security measures alone will not contain the forces that perpetuate violence.
 
Israelis and Palestinians must, at long last, face the stark realities that continue to drive the violence and hold the two-state solution hostage. First and foremost this means both sides actively taking steps that will demonstrate their commitment to, and create the conditions for, an eventual return to negotiations to achieve a viable Palestinian state and ensure Israel’s long-term security.

 
But, Mr. President,
 
We in the international community must also be clear both in our understanding of the conflict and our role in how to help resolve it. Our immediate priority must be ending the violence which is tearing Israelis and Palestinians apart when both face the rise of radicals among their own constituents. We only need to look at the rest of the region to see the dangers of religious extremism, sectarianism and terrorism.
 
But let us be also abundantly clear that the current security challenges cannot be addressed if we lose sight of the fundamental problems that have led us here -- the persistent inability to achieve a just and lasting solution that meets the national aspirations of the Palestinians and Israelis and allows them to live in two states, side by side, in peace, security and mutual recognition. This is why today we must once again play an important role by saying no, the prospect of a two-state solution is not dead, it remains the best pathway for peace.
 
The time has come to ring the alarm bells that the two-state solution is slipping from our fingers, that it is disappearing as the realities on the ground - driven by the ongoing settlement activities and confiscation of Palestinian land, as well as the continued lack of genuine Palestinian unity - make the prospect of a viable and independent Palestinian state less possible and less likely. The time has come for us to speak clearly as to the risks that undermine the two-state solution but also point to the way forward to a return to meaningful negotiations.
 
This is why the United Nations Secretary-General, the EU, the Russian Federation and the United States of America -- all members of the Middle East Quartet, have stepped up their efforts to break the political impasse. The Quartet Envoys have started our work on a report which will review the situation on the ground, identify the dangers to a two-state solution, and provide recommendations on the way forward. We remain seriously concerned that current trends – including continued acts of violence against civilians, incitement, ongoing settlement activity, and the high rate of demolitions of Palestinian structures – are dangerously imperiling the viability of a two-state solution.

 
And yet, Mr. President,
 
While the international community explores avenues for constructive engagement, there are trends that raise questions about the commitment of the parties to seriously address the main challenges blocking the progress towards peace.
 
Israel’s settlement enterprise continues, despite broad international condemnation. In a particularly troubling development, on March 10th Israel classified 580 acres south of the city of Jericho, in the West Bank as so-called ‘state land’. The area includes the 378 acres, reportedly approved, and widely condemned, in January of this year. This is evidence of a continued policy of systematic consolidation of Israeli control of the occupied West Bank, in direct contravention of international law.  
 
Since the early 1980s, Israeli authorities in the West Bank have adopted, based on a controversial interpretation of the Ottoman Land Law, a policy of declaring as “state land” land that is not otherwise registered as private. This has resulted in the State seizing control over certain areas where Palestinians claim ownership and has proved to be a precursor for settlement construction. Any such declaration, particularly of a large scale, raises justified concerns over further settlement expansion. Settlements are illegal under international law and I urge Israel to halt and reverse such decisions.
 
The demolition and confiscation of Palestinian structures across the West Bank has also surged in 2016 with some 468 houses and other structures demolished since the beginning of the year. On March 23, Israeli authorities demolished 53 structures in Khirbet Tana, including 22 homes, the third demolition this year in this particular community because Israel has declared by Israel as a firing zone. The total number of structures demolished or confiscated in these first 12 weeks of 2016 has now reached 85 per cent of the total number demolished or confiscated in all of 2015. As Palestinians are consistently denied permits to build legally, residents in the affected areas are left with few options but to build without permits, leaving them in constant fear of their homes and livelihoods being destroyed. I urge Israel to respect international humanitarian law and cease such unfair and unjust planning processes in the West Bank.

 
Mr. President,
 
Allow me to turn briefly to political developments on the Palestinian front. Achieving a genuine Palestinian unity on the basis of non-violence, democracy and the PLO Principles would constitute a crucial building block for the foundation of a Palestinian state. The formation of a National Unity Government that abides by the PLO programme and the holding of long-overdue elections are important elements of this process. Sadly we are nowhere near this goal as recent discussions between Palestinian factions in Qatar have yet to yield any agreement. I strongly encourage the factions not to squander this important opportunity to reach a consensus that can enable the advancement of the long-term Palestinian national goals as well as near-term fiscal and development goals for the Palestinian people.
 
I take the opportunity to welcome the suspension, on March 12th, of the month-long Palestinian teachers’ strike, following President Abbas' commitment to fully implement a 2013 trade union deal that provides a ten per cent salary increase to teachers.
 
I also note that, on 10 March, Najat Abu Bakr, a Fateh member of the Palestine Legislative Committee ended her 18-day sit-in at the Parliament building after the Attorney General cancelled an arrest warrant against her; issued after she had raised allegations of corruption. Such allegations must be duly investigated.

 
Mr. President,
 
Turning to Gaza, the security situation remains volatile, as a number of factors continue to produce a highly combustible environment.
 
Despite a relative pause over the past month, the past weeks saw five rockets fired from Gaza to Israel. In response, on March 12th, Israel conducted four airstrikes, in which two Palestinian children, Israa and Yassin Abu Khusa, were tragically killed. These incidents point to the fragile nature of the current ceasefire. I call on Palestinian factions to uphold the current ceasefire, which is vital for Gaza's recovery.
 
As the Gaza reconstruction mechanism continues to enable the purchase of materials for critical repairs and rebuilding, the reconstruction of fully destroyed homes remains painfully slow, in large part due to the slow disbursement of donor pledges. I strongly encourage all Member States, who have not done so, to disburse their commitments without delay.
 
Failure to comprehensively address the chronic problems affecting Gaza risks another escalation in the future.

 
Mr. President,
 
Very briefly on Lebanon, the Security Council was briefed on 16 March by Special Coordinator Kaag. The Secretary-General welcomes the press statement adopted subsequently by the Council, reaffirming its united support for Lebanon’s stability and state institutions. The Secretary-General is currently on a two-day visit in Lebanon, jointly with the President of the World Bank. This visit in itself illustrates the strong commitment of the UN and international community to help Lebanon address the multiple challenges it faces as a result of the impact of the Syrian crisis.

 
Mr. President, Members of the Security Council,
 
In closing, I would like to emphasise that there can be no peace without hope. But fostering hope requires courageous leadership willing to articulate a clear political horizon; it requires moving beyond unilateral actions and ending the policy of eternal management of the shifting status quo; and it requires a commitment to improving the dynamics on the ground with the genuine aim of reaching a negotiated two-state solution which still remains the stated goal of both sides. The obstacles are many, certainly, but not insurmountable. 
 
People often say that the lack of trust between the parties precludes any advance towards peace. Certainly, re-establishing that trust and laying the foundations for a peaceful resolution must remain our collective focus, but change certainly requires political will from the parties. Without that political will, Palestinians and Israelis will continue to face an uncertain and dangerous future as the Middle East’s violent and unpredictable tectonics continue to shift around them.
 
Thank you.

MALE`, 22 February 2016 – Today, UN Assistant Secretary-General for Political Affairs Miroslav Jenča concluded a two-day visit to Maldives. He met with President Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom, Minister of Foreign Affairs Dunya Maumoon, Attorney General Mohamed Anil, and Minister for Legal Affairs Azima Shakoor. He also met with Chief Justice Abdulla Saeed, the judges of the Supreme Court, the Human Rights Commission, civil society organisations and representatives of the diplomatic community. Mr. Jenča also conducted separate meetings with all parliamentary political parties, members of both the ruling coalition and the opposition, namely Adhaalath Party (AP), Jumhooree Party (JP), Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), Maldivian Development Alliance (MDA), and Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM).

Mr. Jenča’s visit took place at the invitation of the Government of Maldives as a follow up to the request made last year by President Yameen to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to assist the Government on dialogue with the opposition political parties. Mr. Jenča welcomed the President’s invitation for political party talks to all parliamentarian political parties on 15 February, an invitation reiterated during his meeting with the President on 21 February. 

The meetings further revealed that the United Nations is a trusted partner for all parties and should stay engaged. Mr. Jenča expressed the readiness of the United Nations to continue the facilitation of the process, depending on the developments on the ground and the willingness of the parties. He underscored the importance of building trust including through strengthening independent democratic institutions and reforming the judiciary. 

Mr. Jenča ‎conveyed appreciation for Maldives’ commitment to the work of the United Nations in its 50 years of membership, citing in particular Maldives' role in such important global issues such as the adoption and implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the climate change agreement. Foreign Minister Dunya Maumoon and Mr. Jenča further discussed regional cooperation in South Asia, preparation for the world humanitarian summit, irregular migration and refugee flows, as well as the fight against terrorism and violent extremism.

Mr. President,

Thank you for this opportunity to brief the Security Council once again on the latest developments in Yemen.

It has been two months since the parties met in Switzerland, for the first face to face talks of the peace process. Those talks produced agreements on several measures which have provided much needed practical and moral support to the Yemeni people, including the delivery of humanitarian aid to the city of Taiz and the release of some prisoners. 

The announcement of a cessation of hostilities on the first day of the talks was accompanied by the creation of a De-escalation and Coordination Committee, aimed at strengthening adherence to the cessation of hostilities.  There was also broad agreement to the principles of a general framework based on the provisions of Security Council Resolution 2216 (2015).  The talks have served as the beginning of a process toward agreements on ending the war and Yemen’s return to a peaceful political transition.

The parties left the last round of talks in a positive spirit, with practical proposals, recommendations and hope for a better future for Yemen and the Yemeni people.

Tragically, the security situation in Yemen has deteriorated since the end of the talks. The latest UN reports indicate that more than 6,000 Yemenis have lost their lives since March 2015, and more than 35,000 have been injured.

Mr. President,

Yemen is living through the most heart-rending days in its history.

Many parts of Yemen are again witnessing airstrikes and extensive ground fighting. There has also been a significant increase in the number of missiles fired indiscriminately into Saudi Arabia. The escalation of military activities along with a worsening of regional tensions has created additional obstacles which threaten to delay a new round of talks. 

There has been a notable upsurge in the number and magnitude of attacks carried out by terrorist groups in Aden, Lahej, Abyan, Shabwa and Sana’a.  There have been attacks on Yemeni Army checkpoints and residences of key security officials. The assassination of prominent political and security officials in the South of the country has continued unabated. On 28 January, an attack on the Presidential Palace in Aden resulted in the death of eight people including civilian bystanders. Earlier today, a suicide bomber attacked a Yemeni army camp in Aden, reportedly killing at least ten people.

I have repeatedly underlined the increasing presence of terrorist groups in Yemen which create a long-term threat for the country and the region.  The absence of the State in many parts of Yemen has facilitated the expansion of these terrorist groups.  Al Qaeda and the Islamic State are present in many parts of Yemeni territory. There are reports of their growing influence in large areas of the governorate of Hadramout and their control of its port, maritime traffic, and illegal oil trade.  Reports of attacks on civilians, including stonings, and executions of captured civilians and Yemeni army soldiers are deeply worrying. 

The basic freedoms of Yemenis, including freedom of expression, continue to be undermined. There has been significant rise in the systematic persecution of civil society activists in Yemen, including reports of violent attacks and arbitrary detention of many journalists.  Acts of intimidation, harassment and disappearances of journalists are a clear violation of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights.

Mr. President,

Yemenis continue to face grave violations of international humanitarian law. Respect for human rights and international humanitarian law is critical to the ability of Yemenis to survive this current crisis with dignity and safety. The agencies, funds and programmes of the UN are doing their best to uphold the rights of Yemenis and provide needed assistance. It is important that all UN staff are able to work in safety and without restriction. I call upon the Government of Yemen and all other stakeholders to uphold these principles and to respect and support the work of the UN and its agencies.

Mr. President,

I have been engaged in an intensive round of consultations with Yemeni leaders and regional partners in recent weeks.  I discussed the challenges facing the peace process with the Foreign Ministers of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, the Sultanate of Oman, Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, France, the Secretary-General of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in addition to the vice Foreign Minister of Japan and the vice Foreign Minister of the Republic of Korea, all of whom underlined their continued support for an end to violence in Yemen a political settlement.

I met with Yemeni Vice President and Prime Minister Khaled Bahah on 8 and 16 January, in addition to repeated meetings with representatives of the Yemeni Government, other Yemeni leaders and civil society figures. I also traveled to Sana’a, where I met with senior officials from the Houthis and the General Popular Conference, as well as key political parties, women’s and youth groups.

During this latest round of consultations, I sought to ensure that some of the positive commitments which emerged from the talks in Switzerland were implemented.  While far from a comprehensive settlement, these commitments yield tangible benefits to the Yemeni people and bolster the peace process.

I worked for the release of two Saudi nationals by the Houthis on 14 January, after almost ten months in captivity, which was welcomed by the Secretary-General and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.  This positive development was shortly followed by the release of the Yemeni Minister of Technical and Vocational Education, Abdul Razak al-Ashwal and four Yemeni political and media activists. I will continue to press for and work towards the release of others detainees.

Building on commitments made in Switzerland, UN agencies and international NGOs expanded the delivery of assistance to Taiz, including to areas that had been cut off for many months. WHO, WFP and MSF have all been able to deliver critically needed assistance to Taiz in recent weeks and I hope that this city, and other areas which have suffered tremendously in recent months, will continue to receive assistance on a regular basis. I call on all parties to ensure that humanitarian agencies have free and unhindered access to all parts of Yemen.

I have also pursued agreements which seek to preserve the functioning of key state institutions on which the Yemeni people depend. Preserving their functioning helps current service delivery and will also facilitate a faster and more effective recovery after an agreement. The Central Bank’s Board of Directors met recently in Amman, with the participation of the Yemeni Minister of Finance and the Sana’a-based Central Bank Governor. Together with the Resident Coordinator, UNICEF and the WB, I am working to relaunch Yemen’s Social Welfare Fund, which will provide critical financial support for the poorest of Yemen’s people.  

These are some positive measures which demonstrate willingness to cooperate in order to preserve the viability and effectiveness of key state institutions in advance of a settlement.  Implementation of these measures will require continued political support from all of the parties, as well as generous support from donors to replenish the various funds and mechanisms, so as to contribute to the stability of the Yemeni economy.  The conflict is causing grave damage to the capacity of Yemen’s public and private sectors. Both are critical for Yemen’s future economic prospects and the ability of people to survive in the present circumstances. Humanitarian aid is critical, yet limited in its reach. Many Yemenis continue to rely on private sector economic activity. The extensive damage to private sector infrastructure, for this reason, is of great concern.

In spite of the collapse of the cessation of hostilities, the De-escalation and Coordination Committee has continued to function, with constructive participation from all sides. The parties committed to strengthening the Committee’s capacity and to agree on a precise location for its meetings.  The work of the De-escalation and Coordination Committee is essential in order to ensure the success of cessation of hostilities in the future.  

Despite these areas of limited progress, deep divisions persist that prevent me from calling for the next round of talks.  The parties are divided over whether a new round of talks should be convened with or without a new cessation of hostilities.  I have not, unfortunately, received sufficient assurances that a new cessation of hostilities, should I call for one, would be respected.

As the Secretary General has stated repeatedly, there is no military solution to this conflict. A recommitment to a cessation of hostilities which leads to a permanent ceasefire is the practical expression of this truth and I urge the Council to support this step and take action towards its implementation as soon as possible.

Mr. President,

Yemen has suffered greatly, and its people have withstood an unspeakable tragedy. The country’s infrastructure is destroyed; families dispersed, and its social fabric torn apart. This is a critical and most difficult phase. With every passing day, more and more Yemeni lives are lost.

A new cessation of hostilities will open the way of new talks and agreements on Yemen’s return to a peaceful and orderly transition.  I will continue to work with all sides in Yemen, the region and the international community to build consensus on the key elements of such future agreements.  

The conflict in Yemen is political, so the solution must also be political. Only an inclusive peace process will ensure a future of reconciliation and peace in the country. The Yemeni people have shown a spirit of compromise in the interest of preserving the unity of their country many times in the past.

We must, collectively, help Yemen rediscover this spirit of compromise. Only in this way can Yemenis overcome the current violence and build a peace process which can bring together all of Yemen’s diverse communities and allow them to jointly and peacefully look to their future and the future of the country.

Mr. President,

In the past reporting period, the heroic people of Iraq have been steadily gaining ground against the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), which is gradually losing its appeal to the disenfranchised population. The liberation and holding of Beiji, Sinjar, and most of all Ramadi, and continuing clearance of the surrounding areas from ISIL fighters, have instilled the people of Iraq with hope that the country can and will be liberated from ISIL. It has also documented how important it is to rely on local and tribal fighters from areas under ISIL control to participate in the liberation and take responsibility for the security of their cities and provinces.

The success also demonstrates the increasingly resolute and effective support to Iraq of the Global Coalition to Counter ISIL in its fight against ISIL and provides lessons for preparations for the liberation of the remaining territories, most notably of Mosul. It serves as an encouragement for other members of the international community to assist Iraq in combatting ISIL.

Mr. President,

The terrorist organisation ISIL with its radical ideology and policies of sectarianism, violent extremism and terrorism constitutes a global and unprecedented threat to international peace and security. Combatting ISIL by all means is a priority of the whole international community and Member States are called upon to re-double and coordinate their efforts.

Following the 18 December 2015 meeting of the Security Council, bilateral and diplomatic efforts, assisted by international partners and the United Nations, continue to resolve the issues of the presence of Turkish forces in Camp Bashiqa, so far without mutually acceptable results. I reiterate the calls made by the Secretary-General for a solution in line with the Charter of the United Nations and in full respect of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq. I also urge both sides to take steps that will enable the deepening of cooperation in the field of security and continuous support in fighting ISIL, based on consultations with and full consent of the Government of Iraq.

Mr. President,

Regardless of the successes, ISIL remains a formidable and determined enemy that constantly adjusts its tactics and attack patterns, taking into account also the developments in Syria. ISIL cannot be defeated by military means alone, without addressing the root causes of violence and the underlying ideology, otherwise their effect will not be sustainable and lasting. Military victories need to be complemented by massive stabilisation and rehabilitation efforts that prioritise and allow for the safe return of IDPs to their towns of origin. Simultaneously, Iraqis must prioritise political and community reconciliation.

The lack of progress in implementing the National Political Agreement reflects the absence of political consensus and the continued pursuit of partisan interests. The stability, security and unity of Iraq hinge on an effective and inclusive political system and equality in decision-making at the federal and local levels. Tangible solutions to prevent political and sectarian exclusion have to include amendments to or adoption of priority legislation, followed by swift implementation, such as the Accountability and Justice Law, the National Guard Law and the General Amnesty Law.

Efforts by Sunni political forces and their leaders to unify their stance on national reconciliation, effective federalisation and decentralisation, and how to more successfully counter ISIL are equally necessary. I welcome such steps provided they add to internal consolidation and not divisions, while urging Sunni leaders and forces to continue such activities in the most inclusive manner possible.

Mr. President,

In early January, lethal attacks in Baghdad and in Muqdadiya, in Diyala governorate, perpetrated by ISIL and revenge violence by rogue militia elements and criminal groups prompted concern that the nation was again continuing down a spiralling trajectory of sectarian violence, compounded by internal political divisions along sectarian lines, as well as regional tensions and context. These attacks were an attempt to further stoke sectarian tensions and political polarisation in Iraq, and weaken the unity of Iraq and its people.

They also highlighted the urgent need to reach progress in intercommunal relations and swiftly restore state and local authority, rule of law, good governance, justice and provision of services to the newly liberated areas and exert firm control over all fighters and weapons. Security sector reform addressing the issue of uncontrolled armed groups and their presence in cities, notably in liberated areas, is a priority.

Mr. President,

Stabilization in liberated areas and the safe return of IDPs are of enormous political importance. I am happy to report that the stabilization phase of Tikrit is almost complete. Overall, the Government has given very high priority to returns and so far, more than 500,000 displaced Iraqis have returned to their home communities. The Government intends that up to 900,000 will return in 2016.

There are, however, a number of complicating factors impacting the pace of returns. These include a huge number of improvised explosive devices which have been laid by ISIL and which must be removed before populations can return home, as well as devastating destruction to infrastructure and homes. We are seeing this right now in Ramadi. I call on Iraq’s regional and international partners to enhance their support to the Government of Iraq’s efforts to hold and stabilise areas retaken from ISIL. These efforts also ought to focus on building the capacity of local security and police forces through training and material support.

Mr. President,

Persistent political polarization and divisions continue to hamper Prime Minister Abadi’s ability to advance the reform agenda, including in decentralisation and fighting corruption. The Prime Minister’s recent announcement aimed at establishing a more professional Cabinet with members selected on merit, and not on sectarian or political quotas, should be accompanied by accelerated implementation of a genuine political, security and economic reform package. The complex and deepening set of challenges before the country and its people requires that the political blocks finally work together in support of comprehensive and profound reforms, as they did when adopting the budget for 2016.

Iraq’s persistent and rapidly-deepening fiscal crisis and growing budget deficit, compounded by the security and humanitarian situation and drastic decline in global oil prices, has almost halved the State’s planned income since then, and the Kurdistan Region faces at least a situation as grave as that of Baghdad. Fiscal challenges are also likely to impact the fight against ISIL as a significant number of fighters, notably the Peshmerga, have not received salaries for several months.

I am mindful that if left unaddressed, such an unsustainable situation may seriously undermine the renewed morale of pro-government forces and confidence of the people, including youth, communities, minorities and IDPs that they can have a future in Iraq. And while the Governments in Baghdad and Erbil must rapidly prioritise and take full ownership over the state finances and reforms, I urge the international community to assist Iraq in overcoming these difficulties through increased technical support and funding, including through lending by international and regional financial institutions. Genuine economic reforms by the Governments in Baghdad and Erbil could pave the way to such financial and budgetary support.

Mr. President,

The severe economic crisis is having a sobering effect on the relationship between Baghdad and Erbil, with both sides showing renewed will to work together, militarily and economically, including on reforms. I am therefore hopeful that realism and pragmatism will prevail and help boost efforts in ensuring the stability and prosperity of Iraq, including the Kurdistan Region, needed to continue jointly the existential fight against ISIL.

Mr. President,

The humanitarian crisis in Iraq is highly complex, and is expected to widen and worsen this year. Today not only 3.3 million IDPs, but altogether some ten million Iraqis - almost one third of the population - urgently require some form of humanitarian assistance. Let’s not forget – without the necessary support, today’s IDPs will become tomorrow’s refugees. Humanitarian needs are now so great that they far outstrip national capacities. The Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government simply do not have the resources to keep providing assistance, not because of a lack of will or a reluctance to assume responsibility, but because of the grave economic and fiscal situation.

On 31 January, the UN jointly with the Government of Iraq launched a humanitarian appeal requesting US$861 million to help ensure that the most vulnerable people receive the assistance they need. On top of this, a potential catastrophe from the Mosul Dam adds new grave challenges and pressures and requires an urgent action of both the Government of Iraq and the international community, including the UN, as well as public awareness campaign and disaster response plans, including evacuation of the affected population in case of such catastrophe.

Mr. President,

Allow me to turn now to the ninth report of the Secretary-General on the issue of missing Kuwaiti and third-country nationals and missing Kuwaiti property, including the national archives.
As part of the Government of Iraq’s reform programme, the Council of Ministers agreed on the distribution of the files formerly under the mandate of the Ministry of Human Rights, deciding to transfer the technical overview of the missing Kuwaiti persons file to the Ministry of Defence. While this is a positive step, the Government of Iraq must now implement the decision and allocate the needed financial resources to ensure that work continues unabated.

Cooperation between Iraq and Kuwait continues to reach new heights. In December, during the fifth session of the Kuwait-Iraq Joint Ministerial Committee, the parties signed agreements covering several fields, including youth and sports, inspection and control, and communications. Nonetheless, the international obligation of the Government of Iraq remains to ensure further progress.

Mr. President,

The UN continues to operate in difficult and often dangerous conditions in Iraq. With deep regrets I inform that yesterday we received the news that UNAMI’s staff member abducted in April 2015 in Diyala, Mr. al-Kaissy, was found dead. I am deeply shocked and saddened about this news. I strongly urge the Iraqi authorities to conduct immediately a thorough and transparent investigation into this abduction and murder and hold the perpetrators accountable. I remind the Government of Iraq that national authorities bear full responsibility for serving justice in this case, as well as they do to safeguard and protect all UN personnel serving in the country.

Mr. President,
Members of the Security Council,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Thank you for the opportunity to brief the Security Council on the first “Report of the Secretary-General on the threat posed by ISIL (Da’esh) to international peace and security and the range of United Nations efforts in support of Member States in countering the threat.”

This Report is submitted pursuant to resolution 2253 (2015), which the Council unanimously adopted last December in a meeting that included Ministers of Finance from around the world—an expression of the strong determination of Member States to address the threat that ISIL represents to the international community and the principles and values of the Charter of the United Nations.  

Paragraph 97 of the resolution requested the Secretary-General to submit an initial strategic-level report that demonstrates and reflects the gravity of this threat, including “foreign terrorist fighters joining ISIL and associated groups and entities, and the sources of financing of these groups … as well as their planning and facilitation of attacks.” The Report also reflects the range of United Nations efforts in support of Member States in countering this threat, and contains recommendations for Member States to mitigate it, as well as ways in which the United Nations can support these goals.

As requested by the Council, the Report was prepared “with the input of CTED, in close collaboration with the Monitoring Team, as well as other relevant United Nations actors,” including the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Implementation Task Force, the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) and the Office of the Special Envoy for Syria.    

Data and imagery provided by Member States on potential routes of illicit trade in oil and oil products by ISIL could not be independently verified by the United Nations. Moreover, differences in the material provided point to the difficulty in establishing exact routes and distribution networks given the variety and flexibility adopted by ISIL. It thus underscores the imperative of close coordination and cooperation amongst Member States, as demonstrated by the passage of UN Security Council resolution 2253.

Threat Assessment

Mr. President,

The Report provides a strategic-level assessment of the threat. It highlights that ISIL’s emergence has been facilitated by the protracted conflicts and instability in Iraq and Syria, as well as the weakening of State institutions and the inability of the States to exercise effective control over territory and borders. The group, which has benefited from a flow of financial resources and its ties with transnational organized criminals, is expanding its operations to other regions.

ISIL’s global expansion strategy may be a reaction to recent territorial losses inflicted by international military efforts. In this context, the swift expansion of ISIL’s operations across West and North Africa, the Middle East, and South and South-East Asia; the increasing number of terrorist groups pledging allegiance to its cause; and the substantial flow of Foreign Terrorist Fighters from around the world, are sources of major concern.

ISIL continues to perpetrate appalling human rights abuses against populations under its control, including mass executions, widespread torture, amputations, ethno-sectarian attacks, sexual violence, enslavement, and the systematic recruitment and abuse of children. The Secretary-General has said previously that some of ISIL’s crimes, if proven, constitute crimes against humanity.

This situation has led to a “humanitarian crisis of unprecedented proportions.” In Syria alone, around 12 million people have been forced to flee their homes, and more than 13.5 million are in need of humanitarian assistance. Large-scale, systematic destruction and looting of cultural sites is also part of ISIL’s strategy. 

The Report also analyses ISIL’s finances, highlighting its capacity to rapidly and effectively mobilize vast resources. The main funding sources include the exploitation of oil and other natural resources, “taxing”, confiscation, looting of archeological sites, external donations, ransom payments; and other financing techniques, such as the use of the Internet and social media to raise funds.

ISIL’s attraction to potential recruits continues unabated — particularly among young people in both developed and developing States. It is estimated that around 30,000 Foreign Terrorist Fighters, originating from over 100 Member States and driven by a number of social, economic and geopolitical conditions, combined with individual circumstances, are actively engaged with ISIL and associated groups. These groups are using the Internet and social media as a promotional and recruitment tool. Information and Communication Technologies play a crucial role in the preparation of FTF travel to join ISIL and its affiliates, the training and sharing of “effective practices” and the planning of attacks.

ISIL sympathizers acting alone or in small cells have effectively expanded the geographical scope and complexity of their attacks in the second half of 2015, both in terms of planning and facilitation, as the attacks in Beirut, Paris and Jakarta demonstrated. The combination of home-grown small cells and terrorists who travel back and forth from Syria and Iraq, as well as the use of sophisticated technologies to plan the attacks, new logistical and training techniques, suicide attackers, and rosters of Foreign Terrorist Fighters with specialized skills all represent new and complex challenges.

UN Support to Member States

In its second part, the report stresses that, while the primary responsibility for countering the threat of ISIL lies with Member States, the United Nations and other international organizations have a critical role to play in supporting the efforts of Member States and have already taken a number of measures in this regard. These include the assessments of the threat and of States’ capacities undertaken by the 1267/1989/2253 Monitoring Team and CTED; the CTITF-UNCCT’s development of a UN Capacity-Building Implementation Plan for countering the flow of FTFs; and the development of capacity-building programs and projects such as those being implemented by UNCCT, UNODC, UNESCO, UNICRI, UN Women, and INTERPOL, among others.

Recommendations

In the third part of the report, the Secretary-General provides a number of strategic responses for Member States and the United Nations to address the threat of ISIL. These include addressing the underlying political and socio-economic causes of relevant conflicts, particularly in Syria, and strengthening the operational and legal framework needed to choke off ISIL’s funding.

In the context of countering the financing of terrorism, Member States should ensure the timely exchange of information and financial intelligence, implement relevant Security Council resolutions, and strengthen their collaboration with private sector actors to address the threat. The United Nations should support these efforts in a more comprehensive way, particularly in its field operations, including by enhancing its research on the nexus between ISIL and transnational organized crime, and stepping up technical assistance to build Member States’ capacities.

In order to counter recruitment and address violent extremism and radicalization, Governments should consider developing national plans of action to prevent violent extremism, focus preventive efforts on education and youth, and strengthen strategies and legal frameworks to address the abuse of information and communication technologies. The United Nations should support these efforts, including through measures proposed by the UN Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism currently under consideration, and the development of new tools that will facilitate cooperation between investigators and prosecutors involved in terrorism cases.

Member States should criminalize FTF travel in accordance with relevant resolutions and take measures to strengthen their border-management regimes, including by using INTERPOL databases, assessing FTF travel routes and trends on a continuous basis, and improving the exchange of information between States. The United Nations should step up capacity building assistance in this context.

From preventive to security and criminal-justice measures, Member States should strengthen their tools to disrupt ISIL’s capacity to plan and facilitate attacks — including through the use of special investigative techniques and effective inter-agency coordination.

Applying a case-by-case approach to ISIL returnees and ensuring the support of the United Nations in protecting cultural heritage is also recommended.    

Conclusion - Next Steps   

Mr. President,

Despite the efforts of the international community to counter ISIL through military, financial and law enforcement measures, and the substantial losses inflicted upon ISIL, the group continues to pose one of the major challenges of our time to international peace and security.

In the face of this common threat, I would like to echo the Secretary-General’s call to unity and action, including in finding political solutions to the conflicts in Syria and Libya, and assure you that the United Nations is committed to supporting Member States’ efforts.

The Secretary-General will provide an update of this report to this Council in four months’ time, as mandated by resolution 2253.

Thank you, Mr. President. 

Africa:

• UN Office in Angola (UNOA)
• UN Peacebuilding Support Office in Liberia (UNOL)
• UN Mission in Angola (UNMA)
• UN Office in Burundi (UNOB)
• UN Mission in Cote d'Ivoire (MINUCI)
• UN Integrated Office in Sierra Leone (UNIOSIL)
• UN Peacebuilding Office in the Central African Republic (BONUCA)
• UN Peacebuilding Support Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNOGBIS)
• UN Integrated Office in Burundi (BINUB)
• UN Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS)
• UN Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Sierra Leone (UNIPSIL)
• UN Integrated Peacebuilding Support Office in the Central African Republic (BINUCA)
• UN Office in Burundi (BNUB)
• UN Electoral Observation Mission in Burundi (MENUB)
• UN Office for West Africa (UNOWA)
• Office of the Special Envoy for the Sahel (OSES)

Americas:

• UN Mission in El Salvador (MINUSAL)
• UN Office of Verification in El Salvador (UNOV)
• OAS/UN International Civilian Mission in Haiti (MICIVIH)
• International Civilian Mission in Haiti (MICAH)
• United Nations Mission for the Verification of Human Rights and of Compliance with the Commitments of the Comprehensive Agreement on Human Rights in Guatemala (MINUGUA)
• UN Mission in Colombia

Asia and Pacific:

• UN Mission in East Timor (UNAMET)
• UN Special Mission in Afghanistan (UNSMA)
• UN Political Office in Bougainville (UNPOB)
• UN Observer Mission in Bougainville (UNOMB)
• UN Office in Timor-Leste (UNOTIL)
• UN Tajikistan Office of Peacebuilding (UNTOP)
• UN Mission in Nepal (UNMIN)

Madam President, 
Members of the Security Council, 
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Thank you for the opportunity to brief the Security Council on the situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK).

One year ago, on 22 December 2014, the Security Council extended its debate on the DPRK beyond nuclear concerns to include human rights. It is fitting that we meet today, Human Rights Day, commemorating the day on which, in 1948, the General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Madam President, on 19 November, the Third Committee approved, by a recorded vote of 112 in favour, the draft resolution on the situation of human rights in the DPRK. The General Assembly is due to formally adopt the resolution later this month. As is well known, the Commission of Inquiry concluded that “the gravity, scale and nature of the violations reveal a State that does not have any parallel in the contemporary world”. Efforts to engage the Government of the DPRK to improve the human rights situation in the country must go hand in hand with efforts to hold perpetrators of crimes accountable.  

In keeping with its obligations under international law, the DPRK has a responsibility to protect its population from the most serious international crimes. And the international community has a collective responsibility to protect the population of the DPRK, and to consider the wider implications of the reported grave human rights situation for the stability of the region. 

The international community has yet to find and agree on an effective way to address the serious human rights concerns raised by the report of the Commissions of Inquiry, and how to bring about positive and lasting change for the North Korean people. Particular challenges have been posed on how to balance calls for accountability and focus on security matters, and the need for engagement and dialogue. 

Despite different perspectives on this matter, discussion of human rights concerns by Member States, including in the Council, allows for a more comprehensive assessment and action when addressing security and stability concerns in the Korean Peninsula. History has shown that serious violations of human rights often serve as a warning sign of instability and conflict, especially in the absence of accountability for such violations.

Madam President, 

The DPRK has on multiple occasions made clear its objection to the General Assembly resolution on the human rights situation in the country. Unlike in 2014, however, the DPRK has refrained from raising the possibility of conducting a fourth nuclear test in its statements rejecting the resolution.

We are concerned by the report that the DPRK conducted a further submarine-launched ballistic missile test on 28 November. The Security Council has repeatedly demanded through relevant resolutions that further launches using ballistic missiles be ceased and obligations be met for the verifiable denuclearization. Although each challenge has different contexts, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran shows that diplomacy can work to address non-proliferation challenges. There is strong international consensus on the need to work for peace, stability and denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula. To achieve this goal, dialogue is the way forward. Meaningful dialogue must be revitalised and conducted in a sincere manner.

Madam President, 

Over the past two years, consistent efforts by the humanitarian community to engage, and the commitment on the part of the Government to improve its disaster management capacity have resulted in concrete progress in improving overall United Nations-DPRK relations. The Government’s increasing openness to carrying out joint assessments with United Nations agencies and Non-Governmental Organisations has facilitated access and data collection, ensuring that assistance reaches those in need. Continued engagement is key to maintaining this momentum.

The engagement between the DPRK authorities and the United Nations in the preparation of the 2016 Needs and Priorities document is welcome. The document will provide an overview of the urgent humanitarian priorities in the country and will call on Member States to support the activities of the humanitarian community in this regard.

International assistance plays a critical role in safeguarding the lives of millions in the country. Humanitarian funding to the DPRK has however steadily declined during the past decade, from USD 183 million in 2003 to less than USD 50 million in 2014.  Lack of timely, predictable and sufficient funding is crippling humanitarian agencies’ ability to respond effectively to the affected communities. The United Nations urges Member States to increase humanitarian assistance to those in need in the DPRK. 

The new 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda is a promise by leaders to all people everywhere. As we move to implement the 2030 Agenda and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, the principle of leaving no one behind is a challenge that every nation must address. The United Nations Country Team is in discussion with the Government on a new strategic framework starting in 2017 that would cover both humanitarian assistance and development support for the coming five years. 

Madam President, 

This year marks the 70th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, as well as the division of the Korean Peninsula. Inter-Korean relations have remained deadlocked for far too long. 

The United Nations therefore warmly welcomes the holding of family reunions between the DPRK and the Republic of Korea from 20 to 26 October at Mount Kumgang. Humanitarian measures such as the reunions of separated families should be regularised and not subject to political and security considerations. 

The Secretary-General is encouraged by the positive trends related to inter-Korean relations, particularly the “August Agreement”, and plans for inter-Korean talks on 11 December. He hopes that the recent momentum will pave the way for greater inter-Korean dialogue, people-to-people contact, reconciliation and cooperation. He further hopes that more dialogue and exchanges will contribute to the promotion of human rights, and peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. 

Madam President, 

For the second time, Foreign Minister Ri Su Yong of the DPRK attended the General Assembly Debate in September 2015 and met with the Secretary-General, confirming the commitment of his country to sustaining and continuing the dialogue with the United Nations. The Secretary-General has often stated his willingness to play a constructive role if there was an opportunity, including through a visit to the DPRK, in an effort to promote inter-Korean peace and reconciliation. 

The DPRK has extended invitations to the High Commissioner for Human Rights, for the first time in history, and the European Union Special Representative for Human Rights to visit. While the DPRK continues not to recognise the mandate of the Special Rapporteur or the OHCHR Seoul Office, the invitations are positive signals that the DPRK may become more substantively engaged with the United Nations human rights system. 

Madam President, 

It is worth noting that several Members of this Council have previously made it known that they stand ready to adjust their positions in response to concrete steps that the DPRK takes to improve human rights in the country. The international community’s attention on the human rights situation in the DPRK, including the discussion today, is an opportunity for the DPRK authorities and the international community to take concrete steps to improve human rights and the living conditions of the people in the DPRK. I urge both the DPRK Government and concerned Member States to begin taking these steps. The United Nations is committed to helping toward that end. 

Thank you, Madam President.

Mr. President,

It is my honour to brief the Security Council for the second time on the implementation of the United Nations Integrated Strategy for the Sahel and the situation in the Sahel. It is an important opportunity to highlight the predicament of a region which desperately needs the continued focus of the Security Council.

I take the floor at a time when terrorist attacks have taken place around the world: in Bamako, Northern Cameroon, Nigeria, Paris, Lebanon and targeting a Russian aircraft over the Sinai; attacks in which too many innocent lives were lost and which I strongly condemn.

The attacks attest to the global reach of terrorism and the interconnectedness of all communities, whether rich or poor, and are a reminder to us all that no one is immune to this threat. The fight against terrorism requires international solidarity. Global partnerships in the fight against terrorism are no more an option but an imperative for survival.

Security threats continue to be the main preoccupation in the Sahel region. Increasingly, the countries of the region, who are amongst the poorest and least developed in the world, are forced to dedicate important percentages of their budgets to address security threats, in a region where only 56 percent of children have access to primary education, and only 36 percent of the population can read and write. This unsustainable vicious cycle can only worsen without a strong international assistance.

It is very alarming that youth and women in the Sahel, who constitute a vast majority of the population, are the targets of recruitment into radical movements. Up to 41 million youth under 25 years of age in Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger alone face hopelessness and are at risk of radicalisation or migration.

If nothing is done to improve  access to education, increase employment and integration opportunities for the youth, the Sahel, I am afraid, will become a hub of mass migration, and of recruitment and training of terrorist groups and individuals, which, as you know, will ultimately have grave consequences for global peace and security.

Drug traffickers are increasingly colluding with armed groups and terrorist movements which grant them safe passage in exchange for financial benefits. If conflicts are to be prevented in the Sahel, illicit trafficking, including of drugs, weapons and humans should be stopped.

Governance challenges are persisting, with important segments of the populations, continuing to be denied meaningful political participation.

Building communities’ resilience continues to be a real challenge in the Sahel, due to the persistence of extreme environmental degradation, repeated climate shocks, and demographic trends which together are pushing millions of people on the brink of humanitarian disaster.

Mr. President,

The persistence of these challenges notwithstanding, there are reasons to be optimistic about the Sahel.

First of all, the Sahel has continued to receive the sustained attention of the international community, as evidenced by the numerous Sahel strategies. Improvements in the coordination of our efforts and strategies will enhance the benefits of these activities to Sahel communities.

Secondly, the countries of the region have taken greater leadership and ownership of initiatives addressing regional challenges in the Sahel. There is evidence of enhanced partnership and coordination between the countries of the region and international partners using various platforms established by the G5 Sahel, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), and the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC).

Thirdly, the United Nations entities working in the region have improved coordination and coherence in the implementation of the UN Integrated Strategy for the Sahel. My office has made ownership of projects by the countries of the region the hallmark of its regional programming by ensuring full consultations and effective operational partnerships with regional organisations, governments, civil society and beneficiary communities.

We have, in an innovative manner, worked closely with several United Nations agencies, funds and programmes which are now jointly developing and implementing projects aimed at addressing multi-dimensional issues in the areas of governance, security and resilience. In that regard, significant progress has been made in the development of regional projects by United Nations entities and the International Organisation for Migration, in collaboration with regional organisations and countries of the region.

I recognise the central responsibility of the Sahel countries to take the lead in finding solutions to the challenges they face. I am, however, also obliged to admit that the Sahel is a victim of the effects of global phenomena such as climate change, drug trafficking, violent extremism and the global economic decline which surpass the nations’ capacity to address them, and which require diverse tools to mitigate and prevent these trends.

Mr. President,

As I conclude, I would like to make two recommendations:

First, I would urge the Security Council to remain engaged in support of the Sahel region.

Second, I would urge the Security Council to fully use existing mechanisms to better monitor, report on and prevent the trafficking of weapons, drugs and persons in the Sahel region. This trade finances terror and instability, and must be choked if our efforts are to be successful. I would also like to highlight the importance of listing all those who indirectly finance or support terrorist activities in the Sahel. In that regard, I commend the efforts of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1267 and 1989 concerning Al-Qaida and associated individuals and entities, which has so far listed seven (7) entities and six (6) individuals who have their origins in the Sahel region.

Finally, I encourage the international community to enhance its support to the United Nations and regional organizations in addressing cross cutting and trans-boundary issues. Together, we can prevent further deterioration of the situation in the Sahel.

I thank you for your kind attention.

Mr. President, Members of the Security Council,

At the outset, on behalf of the UN family in Jerusalem, I would like to extend my deepest condolences and sympathies to the families of the victims of the abhorrent terrorist attacks in Paris, Beirut and the Sinai. These tragic events serve to reinforce the reality that the extremism and terrorism that has infected many parts of the Middle East is not constrained by borders. It can strike anywhere, anytime, and poses a grave threat to international peace and security. Against this backdrop we cannot separate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from this global threat. Establishing a Palestinian state, while addressing Israel’s substantial security concerns, would yield major dividends not only for Israelis and Palestinians alike, but for the entire region.

Over the past month, there were 36 reported attacks, including stabbings or attempted stabbings, shootings, or car-rammings, by Palestinians against Israelis in Israel and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. They left seven Israelis dead and 36 injured, including today’s attack in Tel Aviv and an attack just now in the settlement of Gush Etzion. The two apparent sniper attacks in Hebron on 10 November, which would be the first of their kind since the current escalation began, and the brutal drive-by shooting south of Hebron, on 13 November which killed a father and his son are worrying signs of escalation from the use of knives to firearms. Of the suspected Palestinian assailants, 25 were killed.

According to OCHA, during the reporting period, in clashes across the West Bank and Gaza 11 Palestinians were killed and over 3,500 injured, with seven others injured in settler-related violence.

I must, once again, reiterate the United Nations’ resolute condemnation of all terrorist attacks and I call on political, community and religious leaders on all sides to speak out against terror and all forms of violence.

Mr. President,

Since our last briefing, the epicentre of violence has moved to Hebron, which like Jerusalem, has holy sites revered by both Muslims and Jews and has been a cause of friction for decades.

Hebron is the heart of the Palestinian economy. Its vitality is unmistakable and its vast potential for growth is broadly recognised. It is the West Bank’s largest city with a population of some 170,000. It is also its industrial and commercial engine. Annual exports to Israel amount to over 240 million dollars. The city’s continued development is, thus, integral to the economic viability of a future Palestinian state.

A walk through the Old City, however, evokes a starkly different image: streets barricaded and unnaturally cut off; houses emptied of life and activity; lives caged in by metal grids and turnstiles. 

Over the past twenty years the city’s Palestinian and Jewish populations have been physically separated.  The economic impact of the violence raging in and around Hebron has been severe for the entire district. Once thriving markets are now eerily abandoned. Over the last decade hundreds of shops located in the Israeli controlled “H2” area have been shut down either by military order or due to lack of business.

I plan to return soon to Hebron with the UN Country Team to discuss with the Governor and the Mayor what programmes we can initiate to support the recovery of the area and to support community dialogue.

Mr. President,

Ending the violence and de-escalating the overall situation in Jerusalem, Hebron and other areas must remain our immediate priority. But as the Secretary-General has consistently stated, this cannot be achieved through security measures alone. All parties must play a part in implementing measures that could have a positive impact. These include:

1. Immediate efforts by all political, religious and community leaders to stop the hate-fuelled incitement that glorifies the murder of Jews or that brands all Palestinians as terrorists;
2. Recent understandings on upholding the status quo at Haram-Al Sharif / Temple Mount must also be implemented;
3. It is necessary to address the apparent impunity for settler violence against Palestinians;
4. The sanctity of burial rituals must be recognised and Palestinians must be allowed to bury their deceased without unnecessary delay;
5. Within Hebron restrictions must be eased and Hebron’s main commercial artery, al-Shuhada Street, should be reopened in accordance with the 1994 Hebron Protocols;
6. Taking steps to bolster security coordination between Israel and the Palestinian Authority to prevent any further deterioration of the situation;
7. Finally, the use of firearms by Israeli security forces should be employed only when less extreme means are insufficient to address an imminent threat of death or serious injury.

Mr. President,

Dealing with the threats that kill the prospect of a two-state solution is also critical. The reality in which a settler state is emerging in the occupied West Bank must be reversed if hope is to be reignited.

I am concerned by the decision announced on November 18th to issue tenders for 436 housing units in the East Jerusalem settlement of Ramat Shlomo, the first such tender announcement in over a year. Equally worrisome are the five punitive demolitions of family houses of alleged perpetrators of terrorist acts carried out by Israel over the past week. I reiterate that settlement activity and punitive demolitions are illegal under international law. They also deepen mistrust between the parties and further aggravate an already highly tense environment.

In a troubling development, Israeli forces have carried out several raids on hospitals, including at Al Makassed hospital in East Jerusalem and at al-Ahli hospital in Hebron. My deputy and UN Humanitarian Coordinator for the Occupied Palestinian Territory has called on the authorities to respect health facilities and the right of all individuals to receive health care.

Mr. President,

During the reporting period, the security situation in Gaza was relatively calm compared to the West Bank, despite three fatalities as a result of clashes near the border fence. Having said that however, seven rockets were fired toward Israel, three of which impacted Israeli territory, without causing fatalities. Palestinian militants also test fired 14 rockets at the sea. The IDF responded with six airstrikes and three limited incursions into the Gaza Strip. On at least four occasions, Israeli forces opened fire at Palestinians at sea, resulting in injuries to at least two persons. In a worrying development Israel intercepted the attempted illegal transfer of 450 litres of TDI (Toluene di-isocyanate) a hazardous substance that can be used for the production of a large quantity of rockets.

I call on all factions on the ground in Gaza not to engage in activities that risk destabilising the situation and undermining the reconstruction process. Particularly as the Gaza Reconstruction Mechanism (GRM) continues to function effectively. In October, a new stream was introduced to simplify access to construction materials to finish housing units, which had been started – but not completed – prior to last year’s conflict. Under this stream, over 6,000 applicants have so far been introduced into the system.

In a welcome development, as of mid-October, Israel removed aggregate from the list of dual-use materials. The good news, however, has been tempered by the addition of other items, including timber, to the list this year. These additions hinder Gaza’s reconstruction and I call on the Israeli authorities to reconsider their decision.

Mr. President,

Based on developments on the ground, the current conditions make a return to negotiations a challenging prospect.

Trust must be rebuilt and, for that, bold and significant steps on the ground must be taken in order to tangibly improve lives and irreversibly move towards the end of occupation and the establishment of a Palestinian state.

In the period before an eventual return to negotiations, the parties and their international partners must pursue measures that strengthen institutions, economic prospects and security. This will require substantial policy changes on the ground by Israel. 

The Middle East Quartet remains the principle international entity to support and encourage negotiations towards a comprehensive and just resolution of the conflict The Quartet envoys plan to travel to the region in the coming period to engage directly with the parties.

Meanwhile, we continue to look to the Security Council for any additional guidance on developing a new peace architecture for resolving the conflict.

Mr. President,

Turning to the wider region, you were briefed yesterday on developments in Lebanon, including in Beirut. I will therefore not add anything on that issue.

Let me say, however, the Syrian conflict for its part continues to take a devastating toll on the Syrian people and beyond and poses an even graver threat to international peace and security. For all of these reasons, the Secretary-General is greatly encouraged that in Vienna the international community has finally re-engaged in searching for a political settlement to the Syrian conflict based on the transition elements of the 2012 Geneva Communiqué. It is important that key international and regional players follow through on their commitments to actively insist on their Syrian allies to engage constructively in all of these areas. This is vital in order to give political backing, leverage and credibility to our efforts.

Turning to the Golan, the situation remains volatile with clashes between the Syrian government forces and armed groups, shelling and occasional airstrikes continuing in the areas of separation and limitation, in particular in Ufaniyah, Jabbata Al Khashab and Al Baath in the central part of the area of separation. In the context of these clashes, fire from the Bravo side has impacted across the ceasefire line. On 13 October, the Israel Defence Forces notified UNDOF that they had retaliated to spill-over fire from the Bravo side by firing three missiles at Syrian armed forces positions in the area of limitation. UNDOF did not observe the alleged firing from the Bravo side. These events have the potential to escalate tensions between Israel and Syria, jeopardising the ceasefire between the two countries. Under these challenging circumstances, however, UNDOF continues to use its best efforts to carry out its mandate.

Mr. President,

In closing, let me say I refuse to be convinced that Israelis and Palestinians want to live “by the sword” and in a state of perpetual violence. We owe it to the people of this troubled land, who, despite endless setbacks and disappointments, have continued to maintain hope that negotiated peace can be realised.

I can assure you that the Secretary-General remains steadfast in his support of any effort to restore the hope that a two-state solution can be achieved through negotiations.

But the long road ahead requires leadership. Leadership that has been glaringly absent to date.

Thank you.

Mr. Chairman,

Excellencies,

Distinguished delegates,

I am pleased to introduce, on behalf of the Secretary-General, his latest report on “Overall policy matters pertaining to special political missions”, requested by General Assembly resolution 69/95.

This is the third report of the Secretary-General on this agenda item, and we are very grateful for the attention the Fourth Committee has given to this issue over the last few years. I look forward to a productive exchange on how we can further strengthen our special political missions to effectively address the challenges we collectively face today.

Allow me to thank Finland and Mexico for their important and active role as co-facilitators of this discussion, and for their work in this area.  

Mr. Chairman,

This is a timely occasion for a discussion of special political missions, and their central place in the Organization’s peace and security efforts.

As the Secretary-General has repeatedly noted, we are currently at a crossroads. The global peace and security landscape has continued to deteriorate in 2015, with grim signs that instability will not abate.

The number of major wars has tripled since 2008, a worrying trend after a long period of steady decline. We now face the highest number of refugees and internally displaced persons in decades, and humanitarian needs are setting new records by the day. Today, almost 90 percent of special political mission personnel are working in peace operations covering countries experiencing high-intensity conflict.

If we are to truly fulfill this Organization’s founding purpose of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, a global effort must be urgently undertaken not only to respond to the proliferating number of crises, but to prevent them from emerging, or prevent a relapse into conflict.

Excellencies,

Special political missions are a crucial part of this effort. They remain at the forefront of the United Nations response to conflict, and have become indispensable instruments for conflict prevention, peacemaking and peacebuilding.

In Libya, Yemen and Syria, the Secretary-General’s Special Envoys and Representatives continue to work tirelessly to lay out a path for a peaceful solution to conflicts that have ignited regional instability, sowed violent extremism, and caused unspeakable human suffering.

In Somalia, our mission on the ground, working closely with the African Union mission, is supporting the Federal Government and the Somali people to capitalize on the country’s best chance for peace in a generation.

And in West Africa, Central Africa and Central Asia, as well as the Sahel and the Great Lakes Region, our regional offices and envoys are working with Member States, regional organizations and civil society to enhance regional and sub-regional capacities for conflict prevention and to address transnational challenges such as water and energy scarcity, drug trafficking and transnational organized crime.

Distinguished delegates,

Special political missions may vary significantly in terms of their mandates, size and structure. They are individually tailored to provide the best possible United Nations response to a specific situation. Flexibility is one of their greatest assets. But they have one common characteristic: the focus on preventing and resolving conflict.

As such, special political missions embody Chapter VI of the Charter, focusing on the pursuit of negotiated solutions and the pacific settlement of disputes. They are deployed on the basis of national consent. And by relying on tools such as mediation and facilitation, they have demonstrated an ability to defuse tensions, to help countries step back from the brink of conflict, and to support national and regional efforts to build and sustain peace.

Excellencies,

As we celebrate the 70th anniversary of the United Nations, this year has presented us with a unique opportunity to review our work and take stock of the challenges faced by the Organization in the area of peace and security.

Just over a year ago, the Secretary-General announced the appointment of the High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations. We have now seen the Panel’s report, as well as the Secretary-General’s own response and implementation plan. I am grateful for the high-level consideration that the General Assembly and this Committee in particular, have given to these reports.

The Review of the Peacebuilding Architecture has now entered its intergovernmental phase. And the recently-concluded high-level review of the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1325 has given new impetus to our efforts to promote the women, peace and security agenda.

The report before this Committee reflects on some of the key themes addressed in these reviews that are pertinent for special political missions and for DPA’s mandate more broadly. Allow me to briefly highlight some of them.

First, the reviews make a strong call for a renewed and urgent emphasis on conflict prevention and mediation. This is long overdue. To effectively address the multiplicity of threats we confront today, we must sharpen our focus, and make a real and sustained effort to stop crises before they escalate into violence.

Over the last decade, we have put in place an innovative and effective set of mechanisms that have made a real difference in the United Nations ability to prevent conflict. This includes stronger partnerships with regional and sub-regional actors, closer cooperation with the wider United Nations family, including Country Teams, and creation of rapidly-deployable mediation expertise, supported by the Department of Political Affairs, to support peace processes. The Secretary-General’s recent report to the Security Council on conflict prevention addresses these mechanisms in detail.

Special political missions are a central part of this toolbox, and one of our most important operational tools for prevention and mediation, and for the discharge of the Secretary-General’s good offices. The Reviews specifically highlighted the important role and longer-term presence of our regional offices as forward platforms for preventive diplomacy, which should be further enhanced.

While conflict prevention has been mentioned as a priority for many decades, this is the time to transform our rhetorical commitments into concrete actions. Targeted and smart investments in these tools will be required. But sustained political support from Member States for conflict prevention will equally remain crucial, for prevention is first and foremost a responsibility of Member States.  We look forward to continuing this discussion with Member States, and to enact real change in the Organization’s ability to prevent conflict around the world.

Second, strong partnerships with regional and sub-regional organizations remain a critical aspect of the work carried out by special political missions, under the framework of Chapter VIII of the Charter. This is based on a shared understanding that the UN and regional organizations can have a multiplier effect by drawing on our respective strengths and comparative advantages.

These partnerships are not abstract. They are a day-to-day reality in the work of all our missions. In West Africa, to mention just one example, Special Representative Chambas works side-by-side with the African Union and ECOWAS across the range of his engagements.

The Secretary-General’s recent report on cooperation between the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations in mediation contains a detailed analysis of our efforts in this area, including recommendations on how to make our cooperation even more effective. I am grateful for the continued work of the Group of Friends of Mediation in bringing this topic to the attention of the broader membership.

Third, the role of special political missions in peacebuilding has been further recognized by the reviews. In three of the six countries on the agenda of the Peacebuilding Commission, special political missions are either deployed on the ground — in Burundi and Guinea-Bissau — or provide remote support — in Guinea. In Sierra Leone, the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office successfully concluded its mandate in 2014 following the significant progress achieved by the country in consolidating peace. And as many countries where United Nations operations are currently deployed continue their peace consolidation processes, we may expect that the role of special political missions in peacebuilding will continue to be relevant.

The reviews recognize that peacebuilding is an inherently political process, and that transitions from conflict to peace are non-linear, complex and long-term processes. As such, they require sustained international support. Special political missions can be tailored to support national authorities and other local stakeholders to implement these agendas, including by helping mobilize international political attention and financial support.

The reviews have also given increased momentum to the women, peace and security agenda, and resolution 2242 (2015) will further contribute to strengthening the Organization’s work in this area. I am particularly pleased to highlight some of the findings of the internal assessment carried out by DPA in the context of the review of the implementation of Security Council resolution 1325 (2000).

This internal assessment showed that we have made steady progress in implementing the 15 commitments undertaken by DPA in this area. We have increased the number of women in UN-led or co-led mediation processes; we have mainstreamed gender into our policy documents and developed new trainings for staff, including senior management and envoys. The number of gender-related provisions in ceasefires and peace agreements facilitated by DPA has increased. All of the Secretary-General’s recent reports to the Security Council on special political missions have included references to issues related to women, peace and security.

While the review has confirmed that we are on the right track, we remain deeply cognizant of the significant challenges that still lie ahead, and are committed to continue working on this agenda.

Mr. Chairman,

The report before this Committee also contains detailed information on various policy issues outlined in resolution 69/95, to which we know Member States attach great importance.

The report outlines the significant efforts undertaken by the Secretariat in order to further improve transparency and accountability for special political missions. This is a key commitment of the Secretary-General, as well as the Department of Political Affairs. To achieve this, we have continued to carry out briefings to Member States, discussions with regional groups as well as individual Member States, consultations and cooperation with regional partners and regular interaction with the press and civil society at large. DPA remains at your disposal to brief you on the work of special political missions.

The Secretary-General’s report on “The Future of UN Peace Operations” also outlines a number of proposals aimed at empowering the field and promoting more agile field support. These proposals are based on the need to align authority and accountability with responsibilities, and foresee the development of strong accountability frameworks. I am pleased that the Under-Secretary-General for Field Support has been able to join me today to address some of these issues.

The report also addresses our efforts to enhance geographical representation and women’s participation in the context of special political missions. This will remain an important area of work for the Department, one in which we look forward to collaborating with Member States.

The Secretariat is also committed to continue holding regular interactive dialogues with Member States on overall policy matters pertaining to special political missions. Our latest interactive dialogue, held in April, led to a productive discussion on the Review of Peace Operations. We look forward to working closely with the Bureau of the Fourth Committee to plan future interactive dialogues focusing on other policy issues.

Mr. Chairman,

In concluding, allow me to pay homage to the Special Representatives and Special Envoys of the Secretary-General, as well as United Nations staff who are serving in special political missions, often at great personal sacrifice, to promote peace and security.

Thank you.

La Division de l'assistance électorale de l’Organisation des Nations Unies est constamment à la recherche de candidats expérimentés pour étoffer sa liste d'experts électoraux; ceux-ci apportent aux États Membres qui en font la demande une assistance technique dans divers domaines, tels que les systèmes électoraux, la planification des opérations, la loi électorale, l'organisation et la budgétisation des élections, la délimitation des frontières, l'inscription des électeurs, l'instruction civique et l’éducation des électeurs, les applications de l’informatique, les relations entre candidats et partis, l'assistance dans le domaine des médias, la logistique, l'achat de matériel électoral, la formation des responsables électoraux, les procédures de vote et de dépouillement des bulletins, la sécurité des élections, la fraude électorale et le règlement des différends électoraux.

La liste d’experts électoraux des Nations Unies comprend les noms des personnes qui peuvent apporter rapidement une assistance technique spécialisée aux gouvernements et aux instances nationales de gestion des élections. Ces personnes, recrutées à titre de consultants ou fonctionnaires des Nations Unies, participent à des missions électorales d’une durée d’une semaine à plusieurs mois selon l'assistance demandée.

Pour pouvoir figurer sur la liste d’experts électoraux, les candidats doivent posséder plusieurs années d’expérience dans des domaines techniques et avoir été affectés dans au moins deux pays différents. Ceux qui ont été observateurs électoraux sont considérés comme répondant aux conditions requises mais ne sont pas habilités à mener des activités consultatives.

La liste d’experts électoraux est gérée et tenue à jour par la Division de l'assistance électorale conformément à la résolution A/46/137 de l’Assemblée générale (lien vers la résolution).

L’assistance électorale consiste à fournir un appui ou des conseils techniques aux instances nationales de gestion des élections. Ces activités d’appui ou consultatives sont souvent menées dans les domaines suivants, cette liste n’étant pas exhaustive:

• L’instruction civique et l’éducation des électeurs;
• Le renforcement de la participation des femmes et/ou des minorités;
• La formation des responsables électoraux;
• Les médias, tels que les techniques de reportage sur les campagnes ou de couverture de l’annonce des résultats;
• La planification des opérations et la logistique;
• L’inscription des électeurs;
• L’achat de matériel électoral;
• La loi électorale et/ou le règlement des différends électoraux.

La Division de l'assistance électorale coopère aussi étroitement avec le programme des Volontaires des Nations Unies pour sélectionner les candidats aux postes de volontaires dans les missions électorales. Les personnes inscrites au programme des VNU peuvent postuler à divers postes dans le cadre d’opérations ou de projets électoraux. Les postes de Volontaires permettent d’acquérir une expérience électorale dans différents pays, ce qui leur donne le droit de figurer sur la liste d’experts électoraux.

Il y a deux manières de figurer sur la liste d’experts électoraux.

1. Les candidats éventuels sont encouragés à postuler aux postes vacants génériques qui sont publiés tous les 2 à 3 ans sur Inspira, le portail de Nations Unies Carrières, à l’adresse careers.un.org. Consultez ce site régulièrement pour connaître les dates de recrutement.
2. Pour les postes de consultants, les candidats éventuels peuvent à tout moment soumettre leur curriculum vitae ou leur notice personnelle du système de recrutement en ligne des Nations Unies à l’adresse electoralroster@un.org.

Les candidatures des femmes, arabophones et francophones notamment, sont fortement encouragées.

Chaque candidat doit soumettre un formulaire de candidature en utilisant Inspira, le système de recrutement en ligne des Nations Unies.

Le dossier de candidature inspira est un curriculum vitæ détaillé en ligne, spécialement conçu pour l’ONU où vous indiquez quelles sont vos études, vos compétences, votre expérience et vos réalisations professionnelles. Ce document sert à juger si votre candidature remplit les conditions générales et mérite d’être examinée pour pourvoir un poste. C’est l’occasion de parler de vous de manière qu’il ne fasse pas de doute que vous êtes le meilleur candidat au poste auquel vous postulez.

La lettre de couverture, indispensable pour poser sa candidature à un poste à l’ONU, sert d’introduction à votre dossier de candidature, auquel elle apporte une note personnelle. Votre objectif est d’exposer en quoi votre expérience, vos qualifications et vos compétences correspondent au poste que vous briguez. Voyez-y l’occasion de vous distinguer des autres candidats en mettant en relief ce qui fait de vous le meilleur candidat pour le poste.

Comment préparer votre profil et votre lettre de motivation. Cliquez ci-après:

• Créer votre dossier de candidature / profil

Les candidats retenus seront invités à participer à un entretien d’appréciation des compétences. Pour recruter les meilleurs talents, nous avons recours à un entretien d’appréciation des compétences, appelé également « entretien centré sur les comportements » ou encore « entretien fondé sur des critères ». L’idée est que la manière dont vous avez réagi en situation donne les meilleures indications sur votre comportement professionnel futur. Votre vécu révèle vos talents, vos compétences, vos aptitudes, votre savoir, mais aussi votre façon de gérer concrètement différentes situations.

Exemples de questions posées lors d’un entretien d’appréciation des compétences:

• Décrivez une situation où vous avez dépassé les attentes de votre supérieur hiérarchique.
• Donnez un exemple de situation où vous avez utilisé vos capacités de réflexion pour résoudre un problème.
• Décrivez une situation où on vous a demandé plusieurs choses en même temps. Comment avez-vous géré la situation?

Sachez à quoi vous attendre lors de l’entretien d’appréciation des compétences. Cliquez ci-après: Entretien d’appréciation des compétences: conseils aux candidats.

Mr. President,

Thank you for the opportunity to brief the Security Council on the current situation in the Middle East which unfortunately remains extremely concerning.

Today we witnessed yet another example of the escalating violence when a large group of Palestinians set fire to the compound containing the holy site of Joseph’s Tomb in the West Bank city of Nablus. Fortunately there were no reported injuries but the site sustained major damage.

As with the many deadly incidents over these past weeks, the Secretary- General strongly condemns this reprehensible act and calls on those responsible to be swiftly brought to justice. The United Nations welcomes President Abbas’ condemnation of the arson attack and his announcement that a committee has been established to conduct a full investigation into the crime.

This incident represents a particularly troubling development in light of its religious dimension.  We call on all sides to respect the sanctity of all holy sites and reject the extremist elements that are pursuing a political agenda seeking to transform the current situation from a national to a religious struggle. If they are successful in their efforts it could have catastrophic consequence for Palestinians and Israelis alike, with serious reverberations in the region

Mr. President,

This latest incident comes on the heels of a deadly week in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. There were 11 reported attacks against Israelis and Israeli security forces leaving four Israelis and nine Palestinians dead and 16 Israelis and four Palestinians wounded. There were also three reported stabbing and ramming attacks on Israelis in Israel, leaving 10 Israelis injured and three Palestinian suspects wounded.

In Gaza, a seventh Palestinian succumbed to his wounds on 10 October after clashing with the IDF near the security barrier the previous day. On 11 October, a Palestinian woman and her 4-year-old child in Gaza died after Israeli airstrikes on Hamas sites caused a building to collapse. The airstrikes were in response to rocket fire on southern Israel the day before,  on 10 October.

Palestinian militants fired at least eight rockets toward Israel during the past week alone, with most falling short and landing within Gaza territory, and one being intercepted by Iron Dome.  Another rocket was test fired at the sea, to which the IDF responded with warning shots, injuring one Palestinian.

As of yesterday, a total of seven Israelis and 32 Palestinians (including those that conducted or allegedly conducted/attempted attacks) were killed, some 124 Israelis (including ISF personnel) and more than 1,118 Palestinians were reportedly injured since October 1st.

Since these latest attacks, Israel’s security cabinet has passed a broad range of new security measures which are already being implemented. The Israeli Defense Forces have significantly bolstered their presence in Israeli city centers, while many Arab neighborhoods in East Jerusalem have been surrounded by security forces with access roads blocked and checkpoints established.

Following the deterioration that began on 1 October, the Israeli authorities have also reinstated a number of movement restrictions in the West Bank, in particular, re-staffing 16 checkpoints that had been previously left unstaffed. Ad-hoc checkpoints have been erected at over 100 West Bank sites for varying periods of time.

Additional measures are being introduced with the goal of deterring would-be terrorists from carrying out attacks. Homes of those accused of carrying out terror attacks will be demolished within days of any attack and their families, if residents of East Jerusalem and not Israeli citizens, will have their permanent residency status revoked. Already this month, two structures were blown up and a third partially sealed, however, these were related to attacks that took place in 2014. A total of 30 Palestinians, including 20 children, were displaced as a result of the demolitions.

The United Nations has maintained a consistent position on these issues. Collective punishments, including house demolitions, are counter-productive and contravene international law. We urge Israel to immediately cease this damaging practice.

What is clear is that the current crisis cannot be resolved through security measures alone.  The persistence of the occupation and the diminishing prospects of achieving Palestinian aspirations for statehood have transformed long-simmering Palestinian anger into outright rage. This stark reality has been compounded by the increasingly dire economic circumstances, including the bleak prospects for youth employment. The continued and expanding settlement activities further diminish the hope and the potential for creating a viable Palestinian state. Such loss of political perspective is the single most damaging factor which contributes to the anger and frustration driving the violence we are seeing today.

Against this backdrop, there have been a number of factors that sparked the current crisis:

Tensions at the holy sites in Jerusalem were the main instigator. Reckless statements by Palestinian and Israeli extremist elements, reinforced by some mainstream voices as well, have instigated that Israel is aiming to change the status quo at the holy sites. This fear has reverberated widely across the Muslim world.

Prime Minister Netanyahu’s repeated assurances that Israel has no intention of changing the historic status quo at the holy sites are welcome. But perceptions will only  change when concrete actions, based on the agreements between Israel and Jordan, follow the words.

A second factor feeding the escalation has been the apparent heavy-handed approach by Israeli security services. Wide dissemination of video footage of several incidents fueled more attacks and has raised serious questions as to the appropriate level of force used by the IDF and police. The Secretary-General has called for a thorough investigation of all such cases. It is clear that such incidents serve only to exacerbate the situation, leading to a vicious cycle of needless bloodshed.  We appreciate Israeli efforts to reduce the lethality of response, particularly, in Gaza after the indefensible killings of protesters behind the separation fence and we encourage greater restraint whenever there is no imminent threat to life or serious injury.

Finally, we have seen that the impact of social media and irresponsible rhetoric has played a dramatic role in escalation. On this count, both sides have much to be blamed for, but we welcome efforts by leaders in the past days to tone down their statements. We call on community, religious and political leaders, on all sides, to calm the language they use and to work together to de-escalate the situation. 

Text in English below:

Déclaration à la presse de M. Jeffrey Feltman,Secrétaire général adjoint des Nations Unies pour les Affaires politiques, à  la sortie de son audience avec M. Michel Kafando, Président de la Transition du Burkina Faso,  Ouagadougou, 25 août 2015

A la demande du Secrétaire général de l’ONU, M. Ban Ki-moon, j’ai entrepris ma deuxième visite au Burkina Faso avec le Représentant Spécial du Secrétaire général pour l’Afrique de l’Ouest M. Mohamed Ibn Chambas. Nous étions accompagnés par le Coordonnateur Résident, M. Pascal Karorero.

Nous avons rencontré le Président du Faso, le Premier ministre, le Ministre des Affaires Etrangères, le Président du Conseil National de Transition, le Président de la Commission électorale indépendante, le Président du Conseil constitutionnel et les représentants de la communauté internationale au Burkina Faso.

Durant ma réunion avec le Président Michel Kafando, j’ai salué au nom des Nations Unies, le leadership et la détermination dont il a fait preuve dans la mise en œuvre de la Charte de la Transition et la garantie de la tenue d’élections démocratiques le 11 octobre 2015.

J’ai exprimé l’appréciation des Nations Unies pour les progrès accomplis dans l’organisation des élections. J’ai relevé que la crédibilité de ces élections repose sur une large participation du peuple burkinabè. J’ai souligné l’importance de la stabilité politique et sécuritaire pour garantir la tenue d’élections pacifiques et crédibles. A cet effet, j’ai salué la signature par les acteurs nationaux clés du « pacte de bonne conduite » pour les prochaines élections. 

Le peuple burkinabè, les acteurs régionaux et internationaux ainsi que l’ONU suivent la situation de près. Il est évident que beaucoup de progrès ont été accomplis mais il faut rester vigilant. A cet effet, j’ai encouragé les autorités de la transition à continuer de travailler ensemble pour garantir que le processus de transition se conclue avec succès.

J’ai réitéré l’engagement des Nations Unies à  continuer de fournir au Burkina Faso le soutien requis pour organiser les élections, conformément aux recommandations de sa Mission d’évaluation des besoins électoraux qui a été déployée au Burkina Faso en janvier dernier.

J’aimerais saisir cette occasion pour encourager le peuple du Burkina Faso et ses leaders politiques à user librement de leur droit de vote, à résoudre tout différend lié aux élections par les voies légales, et à respecter les décisions des institutions judiciaires compétentes.

Les Nations Unies, y compris à travers les bons offices du Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général pour l’Afrique de l’Ouest, M. Chambas, et de son équipe pays continueront à soutenir la transition au Burkina Faso, en collaboration étroite avec les partenaires régionaux et internationaux.

Press statement by Mr. Jeffrey Feltman, Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs following his meeting with H.E. Mr. Michel Kafando, Transitional President of Burkina Faso, Ouagadougou, 25 August 2015

At the request of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, I conducted my second visit to Burkina Faso with the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for West Africa, Mr. Mohamed Ibn Chambas. We were accompanied by the Resident Coordinator, Mr. Pascal Karorero.

We met with the President, the Prime Minister, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the President of the National Transitional Council, the President of the Independent Electoral Commission, the President of the Constitutional Council and representatives of the international community in Burkina Faso.

During my meeting with President Michel Kafando, I expressed the United Nations’ appreciation for his commendable leadership and determination to ensure the implementation of the Charter of the Transition and the holding of democratic elections on 11 October 2015.

I shared the United Nations’ appreciation for progress accomplished towards the organization of the elections. I noted that the credibility of these elections will require wide participation of the people of Burkina Faso. I emphasised the importance of a stable political and security environment to enable the holding of peaceful and credible elections. In this regard, I commended the signing by key national stakeholders of a “good conduct agreement” for the forthcoming elections.

The people of Burkina Faso, regional and international stakeholders, as well as the United Nations, are following the situation closely. While significant progress has been achieved, we must remain vigilant. In this regard, I encouraged the transitional authorities to continue to work together to ensure the successful completion of the transition process. 

I reaffirmed to national authorities the United Nations’ readiness to continue to provide Burkina Faso with the support required for the organization of the elections, guided by the recommendations of its Electoral Needs Assessment Mission that was deployed to Burkina Faso in January 2015. 

I would like to seize this opportunity to encourage the people of Burkina Faso and its political leaders to exercise freely their right to vote and to resolve any dispute that may arise from the electoral process through established legal procedures and to respect decisions taken by the relevant juridical institutions.

The United Nations, including through SRSG Chambas’ good offices and the UN Country Team, will continue to accompany Burkina Faso’s efforts, in close collaboration with regional and international partners.

Thank you Mr Secretary-General for your strong and supportive introduction to this debate,

Your Excellency Foreign Minister McCully, Mr. President, Members of the Security Council,

It is precisely the immensity of the human suffering as just described by the Secretary-General and yesterday by our colleague USG O'Brien that commands us to seek out even the remotest possibility for a political solution, even if, and we heard it, sadly the logic of assuming a military victory by anyone, which is impossible, continues. And barrel bombs and other indiscriminate weapons continue to kill Syrian civilians. 

On 5 May, based on instructions from the Secretary-General, we unrolled the Geneva Consultations.  It’s a new form of avoiding getting cornered in a conference which then gets us straight-jacketed, it is a set of structured separate discussions with Syrian and non-Syrian players aimed at "stress testing" any willingness, if there is any, of narrowing the gaps in interpretation of the principles contained in the Geneva Communiqué, which is still, let’s be frank, the internationally only recognized framework for a settlement, even if still ambiguous in some parts.   To-date Consultations with over 200 different individuals, actually 216, -Syrians and non-Syrians- in Geneva and in capitals, reveal a generally shared sense of urgency given especially the recent gains by Daesh and al-Nusra Front, the talk of some de facto fragmentation, radicalization and sectarianism. There is thus growing reference to the need for a managed, phased, gradual controlled transition, to avoid a repeat of what no one in this Council would like to se, the problems we have had in Libya and in Iraq. 

Consultations too have reaffirmed that most Syrians and international actors agree on what Syria should look like, and the relevance of the principles and content of the Geneva Communique.  It was three years ago, and it is still valid.  Syrians overall emphasize their own vision for a united, sovereign, independent -they’re very proud people-, non-sectarian, multi-confessional, all-inclusive state with territorial integrity, preserved but reformed state institutions, such as the Ministries -as we have seen in Iraq that was the biggest problem we faced when suddenly many institutions disappeared in one moment of the change-, including the political, security and judiciary sectors led by those who can inspire public confidence and trust. 

Yet, there is disagreement -Mr Secretary-General said it very clearly- on how to get there much based on the different narratives, one as to the root causes of the conflict and emerging priorities. The fear of black flags over Damascus is driving many to consider reassessing their own earlier positions. Yet, many continue to consider also that the conflict continues to be about the Arab Spring calls for a change.  There is a firm recognition that counter-terrorism is now definitely a priority. However, many are also wondering -both Syrians and member states- that n order to assert that type of counter-terrorism, there is a need for a credible new government with whom they can partner in that effort. 

Mr. President, 

While common ground exists, the question over the devolution of executive authority to a transitional body -let’s be honest with ourselves- remains the most polarizing element of the Communique. For some, this means that the TGB -transitional governing body- is an instrument to hand over power. Some political and armed opposition groups generally reject any notion of power-sharing with the current government in Damascus. The Syrian government has accepted in theory to discuss the TGB at the Geneva II Conference but continues to reject the concept as unconstitutional.

It is still broadly understood that, whatever the solution, it should ensure the "meaningfulness and irreversibility of the transition" and a widely acceptable process, without causing an abrupt jolt, shock, trauma, catastrophe, in the system in Syria - we cannot afford that. And that should also include assurances for Syrian communities -and there are many minorities who have been under threat- and regional stakeholders and guarantees that the Syrian people are part of the decision-making - including, let me stress it, especially women.  We met remarkable Syrian women in our Geneva Consultations who haver been giving us often the most powerful concept and analysis we have heard. 

Mr. President, 

Sadly there is still no consensus on the way forward on the Communique or yet a formalized even negotiation - we would not be discussing it here otherwise, we would be working on the negotiation. At the same time, given the deepening tragedy- the UN is obliged -and all of us are- to keep the issue alive, to not leave any stone unturned, also attuned to ongoing serious conversations and discussions which are taking place, and we are hearing them, around the region and elsewhere, which may require perhaps more time, and may be linked with developments that the Secretary-General just referred to. 

We have thus strived to develop recommendations, guided by the views and analysis shared with us during the Consultations.  This is the first time by the way that the Syrian people have been given a chance, they told us, to be deeply and intensely consulted - after all we always say this is a Syrian-led , Syrian-involved process, well this was the opportunity.  Our recommendations are predicated on the need for a regional and international consensus - and sustained engagement- on a way forward. 

Mr. President

In responding to the Secretary-General's instruction therefore that we should try to "operationalise the Geneva Communique", together with my team we have consulted widely inside and around; and verified if there was critical mass for common action, and ultimately tried to visualize, from a technical point of view, the implementation of the Geneva Communique, in all its aspects, including the TGB. And we have come up with a detailed formula for the phased implementation of the Geneva Communique, so there is no alibi in case there was -and there will be- a political consensus, including on the TGB, which could assume the functions of a government, a definition of mutual consent, which was in the Geneva Communiqué, the functioning of a military council and Syrian National Congress for national dialogue and constitutional reform, combined with confidence-building measures.

Ours is a straightforward interpretation formula for the implementation of the Communique. Regretfully, the Consultations also confirmed that achieving an agreement on this is difficult in the current Syrian context. In fact, many urged us not convene a Geneva III conference yet, because we are not yet there.  

But, we cannot let the situation in Syria continue to drift. And that’s why based on the appeal and the urge of the Secretary-General, we need to move in a direction where Syrians come together to stop the violence and set out an irreversible path towards a genuine political transition. Which leads us to our main Recommendation.

The Geneva Consultations got Syrians to again start talking to each other, sometimes indirectly through us, but they did. What I am today proposing is actually a deepening, getting much deeper, of those issues in the Geneva Communiqué which are not so controversial, and analyzing those that can be controversial. I now intend to invite therefore Syrians to parallel, simultaneous, thematic discussions through intra-Syrian working groups addressing the key aspects of the Geneva Communique, as identified by them in the first phase of the Consultations:

• Safety and Protection for All: which means including ending sieges, how to do so, ensuring medical access and releasing detainees;

• Political and Constitutional Issues: including the essential principles, transitional governing body and elections; 

• Military and Security Issues: including combatting terrorism in an effective inclusive way, cease-fires, and integration;

• Public Institutions, Reconstruction and Development: which means we should to try to avoid as we said what happened in Iraq and elsewhere where suddenly institutions disappeared and the country got into a major difficulty.  Those institutions should continue to deliver public services under a top leadership acceptable to all, and acting in accordance with principles of good government and human rights.

These working groups will start generating movement, we believe, towards a Syrian-owned Framework Document on the implementation of the Geneva Communique. These efforts can build on the very useful meetings that took place in Moscow, in Cairo, in Paris, and even in Astana recently and many track II initiatives. This effort should be led by a Steering committee and the Framework Document will also provide for a transitional governing body, procedures for a national dialogue, and so on. Such an international initiative will require the support of a Contact Group, and we will get there at the right time.

In all of the above I seek this Council's support, as the Secretary-General has said, and stand ready to regularly report to you and to the Secretary-General, on progress or challenges, which we will definitively have.

Mr Secretary-General, Mr. President, Members of the Security Council,

The Consultations have gone some way towards identifying existing common ground. They also still hold the promise that a set of formal negotiations could convene after preparing the ground, if there is a political will.  The Geneva Consultations have been loud and clear on the profound risks of failing to act now, including the increasing risk of a multi-generational conflict that, with each passing month, reduces the prospects of ever restoring Syria as a unified state, let alone making it even harder to establish a political process.  

In closing Mr. President, let me thank the Secretary-General again for being with us today, showing his strong commitment about the issue that is in front of us, and the Secretariat, and the members of the Security Council for their continuous  support for our difficult, uphill, difficult, but needed mission.  I am obviously ready to go into details more in a separate meeting later on. 

Thank you. ​

Jeffrey Feltman, United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, concluded today a two-day visit to Bogotá, Colombia, during which he met with President Juan Manuel Santos, officials of his Government, representatives of civil society and polítical parties, and the international community.  Mr. Feltman was in Colombia to convey on behalf of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon the United Nations firm support for the peace process and its commitment to provide any support required by the parties to its successful conclusion. The Under-Secretary-General announced that, in response to the request of the Government and the FARC-EP, the United Nations has a team of experts prepared to travel soon to Havana to begin assisting the discussions of the sub-committee focused on end-of-conflict issues. 

Thank you, Mr President.

I have the honour to present the fourth report of the Secretary-General pursuant to resolution 2169 (2014), as well as the seventh report of the Secretary-General pursuant to paragraph 4 of resolution 2107 (2013) on the issue of missing Kuwaiti and third-country nationals, and property. 

During my previous briefing to the Council, I conveyed my initial impressions as the Secretary-General’s new Special Representative for Iraq as mixed but cautiously positive. Through my subsequent series of consultations with Iraq’s political and religious leaders, civil society, as well as neighbouring countries, my initial impressions remain valid, although I increasingly appreciate the scope, depth, and complexity of problems and challenges.   

Mr. President,

Since last summer’s onslaught by terrorists of the so-called ISIL, Iraq has been living through one of the most difficult phases in its modern history. While problems may seem daunting and persistent, there is hope, opportunities, and notably vision for the way out of the crisis, as expressed in the National Political Agreement. The real issue is its implementation.

Iraq’s political process is moving forward, but without the needed vigour. The Government has achieved many successes, and deserves our acknowledgement and support. Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi is seeking actively to fulfil the promises of the Government’s programme, but not always with success. Political forces that have backed the Government and its programme often cooperate reluctantly, as if the existential threat of ISIL and economic and social difficulties were already matters of the past. The unity behind the creation of the current Government has not yet fully translated into unity of purpose or action. UNAMI has been actively working with all relevant interlocutors, using its good offices to bring views closer.

There are signs of a growing understanding that the time has come for comprehensive political agreements, particularly for, as some leaders have described it, an “historic national reconciliation”. Several plans and blueprints have emerged recently, promoted by key leaders and political forces. Also, the National Reconciliation Commission has developed an action plan, an initiative owned and led by the Government. The so-called Baghdad Document is currently being widely consulted and will benefit from inputs from all Iraqi components, allowing for further ownership of and inclusion in the process. This could provide a starting point for further consultations, including with different opposition groups. UNAMI supports these processes.

This development is most welcome, although political compromises are urgently needed to accelerate the implementation of the National Political Agreement and Ministerial Programme. In this regard, institutional and legislative reforms remain key to preserving Iraq’s unity, encouraging political reconciliation and defeating ISIL. Regrettably, the absence of consensus has halted the reform process. The national reconciliation legislative package, which includes key bills such as the National Guard, the General Amnesty, and the Justice and Accountability laws, has seen limited progress since my last briefing to the Council. All three bills are currently before the Council of Representatives, but progress has been stalled due to lack of trust between Iraqi communities, and absence of the necessary political will. I have informed my interlocutors in Parliament and in Government that “painful compromises” are needed to ensure these bills are passed, instead of being returned to the Council of Ministers. Iraq and her people do not have the luxury of time. UNAMI continues to stand ready to assist politically and technically to ensure these reforms succeed. 

Mr. President, effective partnership between Baghdad and Erbil is equally critical to Iraq’s unity and stability for fighting ISIL. The past period has seen the two sides increasingly expressing disappointment with the implementation of the oil and revenue-sharing agreement signed last year, and was marked by some unilateral steps that work against the interest of both sides and the country as a whole. Both sides urgently need to renegotiate the deal, and reach a truly sustainable and comprehensive agreement. UNAMI supports any option that will provide for such sustainability, will reinforce confidence and partnerships of the two sides, and will keep them united in fighting ISIL.

One year after the fall of Mosul, a third of Iraq remains under the control and governance of ISIL. In the reporting period, the military offensives of the Iraqi security forces, with the critical support of the Popular Mobilization Forces, tribal Sunni volunteers, and the International Coalition, have yet to significantly change the situation on the ground. Tikrit was liberated in March, but Ramadi fell in May. The Government’s ongoing offensive in Anbar aims to reverse this setback.

The human cost of the conflict remains far too high. Since I last briefed the Council, UNAMI has recorded a minimum of 1,200 civilians killed and more than 2,000 wounded as a result of armed conflict or terror attacks. UNAMI continues to receive widespread reports of attacks targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure, extrajudicial killings, abductions, rape and other forms of sexual violence, forced recruitment of children, wanton destruction and looting of civilian property, and denial of fundamental rights and freedoms. Minorities, women and children continue to be particularly vulnerable to the horrors and indignities inflicted by ISIL. The recent terrorist outrage during the Eid holidays near a Shi’ite mosque in Khan Bani Saad in which over 120 civilians were reported killed and some 170 injured is another tragic witness to this.

Reports are also received of occasional violations committed by elements of the Popular Mobilization Forces and allied groups. The Government and their leaders have reaffirmed that such violations will not be tolerated, and I urge them to continue taking all possible measures to prevent such transgressions and to bring perpetrators to justice. 

With regard to the protection of children, I would like to commend the Prime Minister’s efforts to tackle the issue of child recruitment by ISIL. On 15 June 2015, he held a conference in Baghdad and proposed a series of recommendations, including increased regional cooperation, academic research, the promotion of co-existence at school, and social media campaigns. He also called upon the Security Council to take a firmer stance on this issue. The UN participated and will be working closely with the Office of the Prime Minister to develop a plan of action.

Iraq is a mosaic of different ethnic and religious communities – and each component of the Iraqi people has suffered from a range of violations and abuses perpetrated at various times over recent decades. These violations and abuses have undermined trust between communities and eroded national identity. Exacerbating the sense of injustice are actions taken in the current phase of the conflict by ISIL and by some armed groups fighting against them, which aim at or result in forced demographic changes, and the targeting of communities considered to be “undesirable”. To restore trust and to rebuild unity between the various communities that form the Iraqi people, it is necessary to ensure justice and accountability for violations and abuses, whenever they have taken place and by whomever they were perpetrated, and to eliminate discrimination and marginalization wherever it occurs. Taking action to ensure the protection of diverse ethnic and religious minority communities, and their full and equal participation in the economic, social and political life of Iraq will be challenging – but such action will be required of the Government if the future cohesion of Iraq is to be assured.

Mr President,

The humanitarian situation is of the gravest concern.  At least 8.2 million, roughly one in four Iraqis needs urgent assistance, of which half need food assistance. More than three million people are internally displaced and partners estimate that a nearly a million more are likely to be displaced by continuing conflict and violence in the months ahead. Close to 300,000 refugees, mostly from Syria, have sought safety in the country. The Government is continuing to lead the operation, providing resources for cash stipends, distributing assistance and helping to erect camps for populations fleeing violence. Humanitarian partners are working around-the-clock to provide assistance but funds are running short. Close to eighty health facilities are closing in the weeks ahead unless support is received. Food rations have already been cut and scores of life-saving programmes are scheduled to shut down. The implications of this are enormous, and profoundly worrying.  I thank the donor community for their pledges in response to the recent Humanitarian Response Plan launched in cooperation with the EU in Brussels on 4 June, but I urge the international community to do more to help desperately vulnerable Iraqi communities. We are very worried by reports that communities and families are being forced to look to ISIL for life-saving assistance, even as UN-sponsored programmes are closing for lack of funding.

At the same time, internally displaced persons, in increasing numbers, are starting to return to liberated areas. The stabilization efforts led by the Government with the support of the UN family using the UNDP Funding Facility for Immediate Stabilization are commendable, but much more remains to be done to ensure that returns are voluntary, sustainable, and dignified and that conditions are in place to return to their homes. We are encouraging the Government to take all necessary steps to guarantee their safety through exerting further pressure on armed elements temporarily controlling liberated areas to prevent occasional revenge attacks and other violations committed against IDPs, to establish effective local control of security. 

Mr. President,

Permit me now to turn to the seventh report of the Secretary-General, pursuant to paragraph 4 of resolution 2107 (2013), on the issue of missing Kuwaiti and third-party persons and property.

Iraq-Kuwait relations are on the ascendant. Iraqi leaders and the UN have noted with gratitude the generous donation of 200 million USD for the needs of IDPs. There is much goodwill between the two sides. This goodwill could only heighten if tangible results were achieved on the issue of the missing Kuwaiti persons and property. I intend to visit Kuwait to discuss this.

Mr. President,

I would like to turn briefly to the issue of residents of Camp Hurriyah. We need to alleviate Iraq’s burden. I urge all countries to consider hosting these residents or to use their influence in assisting in their relocation. 

And one more reminder, this time concerning our UN national staff member taken hostage. The Secretary-General in his report urged the Iraqi authorities to redouble efforts to secure his release, and I strongly support his appeal. Let’s remember it has been already 88 days since we have no credible information about our colleague and no positive solution to this case.  

Excellencies, members of the Council

From the lessons learned over the years from the implementation of UNAMI’s mandate and through a consultative process, the Secretary-General has spelled out his recommendations on where emphasis should lie as regards future UNAMI and UNCT mandate and activities.   

Your decision later this month on our mandate will provide a clear guidance and will establish a re-focused political framework for the UN, including UNAMI. With the continued support of the Council, I remain confident that we can and we will work hand-in-hand with the Government of Iraq, political forces, and civil society, to achieve results in all areas, while increasingly mobilizing , notably regional support and cooperation. At this critical juncture, the Government of Iraq, its leadership and, most of all, Iraqis themselves need the continuous and massive international community’s support and assistance.  

Thank you.

Mr. President,

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon appointed the High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations in October 2014 to review the current state of UN peace operations. The Panel consisted of 16 members chaired by former President of Timor-Leste and Nobel Laureate Jose Ramos-Horta and vice-chaired by Ms. Ameerah Haq. The Panel worked primarily through consultations, thematic workshops, review of submissions and relevant literature, capital visits, and targeted interviews. Consultations with Member States, civil society and academia were held in Dhaka, Bangladesh; Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Cairo, Egypt; Brussels, Belgium; and Salvador, Brazil. The Panel received more than 80 written submissions from more than 50 Member States, regional and other organizations, UN partner entities, civil society, academia and research outfits. The review included visits to Tokyo, Islamabad, New Delhi, Washington DC, Paris, London, Helsinki, Moscow, Beijing and Kigali as well as UN peace operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mali and Senegal. The Panel coordinated closely with other parallel reviews such as the SCR 1325 Expert Study and the Advisory Group on the Review of Peace-building Architecture. A brief summary of the Panel’s observations and recommendations is provided below.

Four essential shifts are needed

• Primacy of politics. Lastingpeace is achieved through political solutions and not through military and technical engagements alone. Political solutions must guide all UN peace operations.
• Responsive operations. UN missions should be tailored to context. The UN shouldembrace the term ‘peace operations’ to denote the full spectrum of responses.
• Stronger partnerships. A more resilient global and regional architecture for international peace and security is needed for the future. The UN must lay out a vision and help enable others.  
• Field-focused and people-centered. UN Headquarters should focus more on enabling field missions and UN personnel must renew their resolve to serve and protect the people.

Some key recommendations

On conflict prevention

• Existing conflicts are proving harder to resolve and yet new ones are emerging. The Panel calls for a strong push on prevention.
• Establish an international forum on prevention drawing on external resources and knowledge.
• Need earlier engagement by the Security Council to address emerging threats and use UN expert resources earlier to support national and regional prevention and mediation efforts.
• Reinforce UN Secretariat’s prevention and mediation capabilities.

On protection of civilians

• To deliver on protection of civilians, the current gap in many missions between resources and mandates need to be addressed.  
• Every peacekeeper – civilian, military, police – must do all they can when civilians are under imminent threat. Political leverage and influence can be more powerful than military response.

On the use of force

• In the absence of a peace to keep, peacekeepers are increasingly asked to manage conflict. A rethink of capabilities and concepts is needed, to support these conflict management missions.
• The Panel argues that extreme caution must guide any call for a UN peacekeeping operation to undertake enforcement tasks. The UN should not engage in military counter-terrorism operations.
• The UN peacekeeping principles remain an essential guide for success; they must be interpreted flexibly in light of changed circumstances, and not be used as a shield for inaction.

On rapid deployment, capabilities and performance

• Ad hoc approaches to crisis response will not be sufficient for the future. The UN should lay out a vision and roadmap for a stronger network of national and regional standby capabilities.
• Establish a modest UN rapid deployment capability for reinforcement and new mission start-up. 
• The Security Council should provide strong political support to the UN’s force generation process, and there should be more involvement of higher capability countries in UN peacekeeping, including the Security Council members.
• Command and control is too often undermined by national restrictions revealed in the field. This must not be tolerated. 

On achievable mandates

• Achievable mandates must be based on a clear analysis of the conflict and a political strategy. 
• Establish sequenced and prioritized mandates as regular practice, including a two-stage mandating process, to allow for realistic planning on the ground.
• Institutionalize Security Council and Secretariat consultations with troop and police contributing countries to forge a common purpose for missions from the outset.

On sustaining peace

• The Security Council and other international actors should remain politically vigilant and provide sustained support to the country to prevent a relapse of conflict.
• Establish pooled country-level UN funds linked to a political roadmap and integrated strategies, and provide missions with some resources to spend in-country.
• Review the current capacities of United Nations agencies, funds and programmes to aid in sustaining peace.

On women, peace and security

• Conduct gender sensitive analysis, planning, implementation, review, evaluation and mission drawdown processes, and integrate gender expertise within all mission components.
• Improve the policy, substantive and technical support including from UN Women together with that received from the Department of Peacekeeping Operations and Department of Political Affairs at Headquarters.

On integrating human rights

• Include key human rights developments when briefing and reporting to the Security Council or otherwise engaging with Member States, and there should be regular public reporting on the human rights situation.
• Ensure coherence and avoid duplication of efforts among human rights and protection functions. Streamline monitoring and reporting requirements for the specialized protection mandates.
• Provide sufficient resources for timely recruitment and deployment of human rights officers.

On addressing abuse and enhancing accountability

• Immunity must not mean impunity. Immunity was never intended and does not apply to provide immunity from prosecution to UN personnel alleged to have committed sexual exploitation and abuse. The immunity privileges are functional only, i.e., related to the exercise of his/her professional duty as a UN employee, not for private acts. 
• Disclose information on disciplinary actions taken by contributing countries, including information on non-reporting.
• Immediate and robust implementation of the Secretary-General’s proposed measures, including establishment of immediate response teams and six-month deadlines to complete investigations.
• Bar troops from countries listed in the Secretary-General’s annual reports on children and armed conflict and on conflict related sexual violence, until de-listed.
• Create an effective and adequately resourced victim assistance programme.

More field-focused support

• Administrative practices are too headquarters centric and hamper mandate delivery in the field.
• Align authority with responsibility to deliver results in the field – ensure accountability for results and for resources, together. 
• Develop field-focused specific human resources and other administrative procedures.  
• Establish special administrative measures for mission start-ups and crisis response.

Funding of AU peace support operations

• Security Council-authorized African Union peace support operations should be supported, on a case by case basis, by United Nations-assessed contributions, and accountability and standards frameworks should be established for such operations.
• Strengthen UN liaison with other regional organizations.

On UN mission leadership, capability and performance

• Reinforce senior leadership selection and appointment through defined, merit-based processes.
• Select strong leadership teams based on diversity and complementarity responding to needs on the ground.
• Appoint more women to leadership positions and review obstacles preventing their recruitment and professional advancement.
• Ensure that those leading UN peace operations are held accountable, including through performance management mechanisms such as ‘360 degree appraisals’.

Funding of special political missions

• Adopt the four recommendations contained in the twenty-second report of the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions, on the review of arrangements for funding and backstopping special political missions.

On need to align Headquarters structures for more focused field operations

• Develop options for restructuring the Secretariat’s peace and security entities, including the establishment of a position of an additional Deputy Secretary-General responsible for peace and security as recommended in 2005.
• Propose the immediate establishment of a strategic analysis and planning capacity.
• Develop a proposal for a single ‘peace operations account’ to finance all peace operations and related back-stopping activities in future.

English translation, followed by the original French version

The Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for the Great Lakes Region, Said Djinnit, and members of the facilitation team that joined and supported the dialogue between the Burundian parties, met today in Bujumbura with members of the diplomatic corps. During this meeting, the Special Envoy briefed the participants on the dialogue who he facilitated starting from 5 May 2015, at the request of the Burundian parties who had agreed, by themselves, on the agenda as well as the list of participants.

The Special Envoy recalled that during the dialogue, the parties maintained diverging views on the candidature of President Nkurunziza for a third term. He highlighted the progress made on the other four agenda items, namely: the appeasement measures and mutual commitments; the management of the electoral calendar; guarantees for the holding of free, transparent, inclusive and peaceful elections; and protection of Constitutional rights and freedoms. The conclusions of the dialogue are reflected in the attached 29 May press communiqué.

The Special Envoy commended the Burundian parties, in particular, for the set of recommendations adopted by consensus at the 28 May dialogue session, on the right to information and the reopening of private radio and television stations damaged during the 13-14 May events. He encourages the parties to implement these recommendations without delay.

The Special Envoy takes this opportunity to thank all the Burundian parties for their cooperation during the dialogue that he facilitated with impartiality and, on which he reported faithfully to the Emergency Summit of the East African Community which took place in Dar-es-Salaam on 31 May, and the relevant United Nations organs. The Special Envoy expresses his deep gratitude for the support extended to him in his role as facilitator by the East African Community, the International Conference for the Great Lakes region, the African Union and the United Nations including the Secretary-General, the Security Council and the Peace Building Commission. He also thanks the external partners of Burundi including the European Union, the United States, France, Belgium, and many others who came forth to help during the dialogue process.

Mr. Said Djinnit thanks all the Burundian parties for the facilitation role they entrusted to him on 5 May. He duly takes note of the positions expressed a few days ago, on his role as facilitator by some Burundian parties.

In his capacity as the United Nations Secretary-General's Special Envoy for the Great Lakes Region, Mr. Djinnit remains committed, in collaboration with relevant regional organizations, to continue to work towards preserving and consolidating peace, democracy and stability in Burundi in accordance with the objectives of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the region, signed in Addis Ababa on 24 February 2013.

The Special Envoy encourages the Burundian parties to continue their dialogue with a view to create conditions conducive to holding free, fair, inclusive and peaceful elections. He stresses the importance of preserving the legacy of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement as enshrined in the Constitution. He reiterates his appeal to all parties to exercise restraint and to refrain from any acts likely to increase tension and violence.

(Original version in French)

PRESS COMMUNIQUÉ

Stakeholders in the electoral process in Burundi were invited, on 5 May, by the Ministry of Interior with the support of the United Nations Electoral Observation Mission in Burundi (MENUB) to review the various commitments by the parties. This included the roadmap of 13 March 2013, the code of conduct of 9 June 2014 and the charter of non-violence of 9 March 2015. The opening ceremony was chaired by the First Vice-President of the Republic, in the presence of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations for the Great Lakes Region, and representatives of the international community.

During the plenary session, debates were centered around the issues related to the presidential term. A representative group of stakeholders was formed and formulated an agenda; it proposed the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to facilitate their discussions.

The adopted agenda included five items:

1. Calming measures and mutual commitment,
2. Management of the electoral calendar,
3. Guarantees and measures for peaceful elections,
4. Compliance with the Constitution and the Arusha Agreement in the electoral process (issue of the presidential term)
5. Political rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution. 

On this basis, the following delegations met in the afternoon of 5 May, in the premises of MENUB, around the UN Facilitator to initiate dialogue. Were present:

1. The Minister of Interior (representing the Government);
2. Four representatives of the CNDD-FDD and allied parties;
3. Four representatives of the opposition;
4. Three representatives of civil society;
5. Three representatives of religious communities;
6. Two former Heads of State.

Before initiating the dialogue, the parties decided to adjust the agenda as follows:

1. Calming measures and mutual commitment,
2. Compliance with the Constitution and the Arusha Agreement in the electoral process,
3. Management of the electoral calendar,
4. Guarantees and measures for peaceful elections,
5. Political rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution

Discussions continued on 5- 8 May, 20-23 May and 28 May 2015.

The High Level delegation of the African Union took part in the discussions in support of the facilitation team from 20 May. After its departure, the head of the African Union Office in Bujumbura took over.

On 21 May, the Secretary-General of the East African Community (EAC) joined the facilitation. Subsequently, he was represented by members of the delegation of the Group of Eminent Persons of the East African Community and the COMESA.

The Executive Secretary of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) joined the facilitation team on 22 May.

Calming measures and mutual commitment

The parties exchanged views on the following points:

1. Restoring the broadcast capability of private radio and television stations, ensuring respect of the right to information;
2. Release of all persons arrested and detained during the demonstrations;
3. Cancellation of arrest warrants issued against political and civil society leaders;
4. Cancellation of the decision of the Attorney General of the Republic on the establishment of a special commission to investigate demonstrations;
5. The principle of postponing the electoral calendar within the constitutional limits of terms of office;
6. Resumption of public education and postponement of the date for the national exam in consultation with professionals;
7. Stopping demonstrations;
8. Withdrawal of the candidacy of President Pierre Nkurunziza.

The first six measures were agreed in principle. But the parties did not agree on the last two points, with regard to stopping demonstrations and the withdrawal of the candidacy of President Pierre Nkurunziza.

Compliance with the Constitution and the Arusha Agreement in the electoral process

The parties discussed at length on this issue, some (the government, the CNDD-FDD party and allied parties) supporting that the candidacy was in compliance with the Constitution and others (opposition political parties and civil society organizations) maintaining that the term was not compliant with the Constitution.

The Facilitation took note of the divergent views of the stakeholders and the dialogue noted that this issue needed to be brought to the attention of the Heads of State of the East African Community.

Management of the Electoral Calendar

The parties agreed on the principle of delaying the electoral calendar to create conditions conducive to the holding of elections within the constitutional limits of terms of office. They agreed to pursue discussions on this issue after the Dar-Es-Salaam summit.

Guarantees and measures for peaceful elections

• The parties to the dialogue exchanged views on the following issues:
• Securing the electoral process;
• Safety of political and civil society leaders during the electoral process;
• Disarmament of armed civilians;
• Cancellation of arrest warrants issued against leaders of political parties and civil society;
• Strengthening of the CENI;

The facilitation took the commitment of making proposals on each of these measures on the basis of the practice of regional organizations and the UN on all these issues.

Political rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution

Discussions on this issue focused on the following two points: the right to information and the right to demonstrate. The facilitation established two representative working groups including experts and professionals who were assigned the task of considering issues related to media and demonstrations.

During the session held on 28 May, stakeholders discussed the document proposed by the working group on the right to information and the reopening of private radio and television stations and adopted it after some adjustments.

At the same session, the parties discussed the document prepared by the working group on the right to demonstrate. The parties began to discuss the document and it was agreed to continue its consideration after the Dar-Es-Salaam summit scheduled for May 31, 2015.

Conclusion

Throughout the dialogue, the parties reiterated their commitment to preserve the Arusha Agreement as reflected in the Constitution as the foundation for peacebuilding and stability in Burundi.

In concluding yesterday’s session, I took the opportunity to thank all participants in the dialogue for their commitment to continue their discussions started on 5 May in spite of hardships and challenges faced. I congratulate them on the progress made in the framework of this dialogue. They agreed to resume their discussions after the Dar-Es-Salaam summit. I am convinced that the insights and guidance from the summit will contribute to strengthening the inter-Burundian dialogue and to giving it a new breath. On the eve of the summit, I would like to appeal to all parties to exercise restraint.

Said Djinnit

Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General for the Great Lakes Region

Facilitator of the Inter-Burundian Dialogue

Bujumbura, 29 May 2015

AU FRANCAIS

L'Envoyé spécial du Secrétaire général des Nations Unies pour la région des Grands Lacs, M. Said Djinnit, et les membres de l’équipe de facilitation qui l'ont rejoint et soutenu dans le dialogue entre les parties prenantes burundaises ont rencontré, ce jour, les membres du corps diplomatique à Bujumbura. Lors de cette rencontre, l’Envoyé spécial a fait le point sur le dialogue qu’il a facilité à compter du 5 mai 2015 à la demande des parties burundaises qui avaient arrêté, elles-mêmes, l'ordre du jour et la liste des participants.

L'Envoyé spécial a rappelé que tout au long du dialogue, les parties burundaises ont maintenu leurs positions divergentes sur la candidature du Président Nkurunziza à un troisième mandat. Elles ont cependant fait des avancées sur les quatre autres questions à l’ordre du jour à savoir: les mesures d'apaisement et les engagements mutuels; la gestion du calendrier électoral; les garanties pour la tenue d'élections  libres, transparentes, inclusives et apaisées; et les libertés fondamentales garanties par la Constitution. Les conclusions du dialogue sont reflétées dans le communiqué de presse publié le 29 mai et qui est joint à la présente déclaration.

L'Envoyé spécial a salué, en particulier, les recommandations que les parties prenantes ont approuvées par consensus lors de leur dernière session, le 28 mai, portant sur le droit à l'information et la réouverture des radios et télévisions privées qui ont été endommagées durant les évènements des 13-14 mai. Il les encourage à les mettre en œuvre sans délai.

L'Envoyé spécial saisit cette occasion pour remercier toutes les parties prenantes burundaises pour la coopération dont elles ont fait montre au cours du dialogue qu'il a facilité en toute impartialité et dont il a rendu compte fidèlement au Sommet de la Communauté des pays de l’Afrique de l'est qui s’est tenu à Dar-es-Salaam le 31 mai, ainsi qu’aux instances des Nations Unies. L’Envoyé spécial exprime également sa gratitude au Sommet de la Communauté de l’Afrique de l’est, à la Conférence internationale sur la région des Grands Lacs, à l’Union Africaine et aux Nations Unies y compris le Secrétaire général, le Conseil de sécurité et la Commission de consolidation de la paix pour le soutien qu’ils lui ont apporté en tant que facilitateur. Il tient aussi à remercier les partenaires du Burundi, notamment  l’Union Européenne, les Etats-Unis d’Amérique,  la France, la Belgique ainsi que plusieurs autres pays qui l’ont soutenu au cours de ce processus.

Mr. Said Djinnit remercie l’ensemble des parties prenantes burundaises pour le mandat de facilitateur qu’elles lui ont confié le 5 mai 2015. Il prend acte de la position exprimée, il y a quelques jours, sur son rôle de facilitateur par des représentants de certaines parties.

En sa qualité d'Envoyé spécial du Secrétaire général des Nations Unies pour la région des Grands Lacs, il réaffirme son engagement à continuer à œuvrer, de concert avec les représentants des Organisations régionales, en vue de la préservation et de la consolidation de la paix, de la démocratie et la stabilité au Burundi conformément aux objectifs de l'Accord-cadre pour la Paix, la Sécurité et la Coopération en RDC et dans la région des Grands Lacs signé le 24 février 2013 à Addis Abéba.

L'Envoyé spécial encourage les parties prenantes burundaises à poursuivre leur dialogue en vue de la création des conditions propices à la tenue d'élections libres, inclusives et apaisées. Il souligne l'importance de la préservation des acquis de l'Accord de Paix et de Réconciliation d'Arusha tels que consacrés par la Constitution du Burundi. Il réitère son appel à toutes les parties burundaises à la retenue et à s'abstenir de tout acte susceptible d'accroître la tension et de générer des actes de violences.

Bujumbura 10 juin 2015

Déclaration à la presse

 Les parties prenantes au processus électoral au Burundi ont été conviées le 5 mai par le ministère de l’Intérieur avec l’appui de la Mission d’observation électorale des Nations Unies au Burundi (MENUB) pour passer en revue les différents engagements pris par les parties. Il s’agissait notamment de la feuille de route du 13 mars 2013, du code de bonne de conduite du 9 juin 2014 et de la charte de non violence du 9 mars 2015. La cérémonie d’ouverture a été présidée par le Premier Vice Président de la République ,  en présence de l’Envoyé Spécial du Secrétaire général des Nations Unies pour la région des Grands Lacs, et des représentants de la communauté internationale.

Au cours de la plénière, les débats se sont cristallisés autour des questions liées au mandat présidentiel. Un groupe représentatif des parties prenantes s’est constitué et a arrêté un ordre du jour ; il a proposé à l’Envoyé Spécial du Secrétaire général des Nations Unies de faciliter leurs discussions. 

L’ordre du jour retenu comportait cinq points:

a)      Mesures d’apaisement et d’engagement mutuel,

b)      Gestion du calendrier électoral,

c)      Garanties et mesures pour des élections apaisées,

d)      Respect de la Constitution et des Accords d’Arusha dans le processus électoral (question du terme présidentiel),

e)      Droits et libertés politiques garantis par la Constitution.

Sur cette base, les délégations suivantes se sont retrouvées dans l’après-midi du 5 mai, dans les locaux de la MENUB, autour du facilitateur des Nations Unies pour entamer le dialogue. Etaient présents :

a)      Le Ministre de l’Intérieur (représentant le gouvernement);

b)      Quatre représentants du CNDD-FDD et des partis alliés ;

c)      Quatre représentants de l’opposition ;

d)      Trois représentants de la société civile ;

e)      Trois représentants des confessions religieuses ;

f)        Deux anciens Chefs d’Etat .

Avant d’engager le dialogue, les parties ont décidé de réaménager l’ordre du jour comme suit:

a) Mesures d’apaisement et d’engagement mutuel,

b) Respect de la Constitution et des Accords d’Arusha dans le processus électoral,

c) Gestion du calendrier électoral,

d) Garanties et mesures pour des élections apaisées,

e) Droits et libertés politiques garantis par la Constitution.

Les discussions se sont poursuivies du 5 au 8 mai, du 20 au 23 mai et le 28 mai 2015.

La délégation de Haut niveau de l’Union Africaine a pris part aux travaux en appui à la facilitation à partir du 20 mai. Après son départ, elle a été relayée par le responsable du bureau de l’Union africaine à Bujumbura.

Le 21 mai, le Secrétaire général de la Communauté des Etats de l’Afrique de l’Est (EAC), s’est joint à la facilitation. Par la suite, il s’est fait représenter par des membres de la délégation du groupe des éminentes personnalités de la Communauté des Etats d’Afrique de l’Est et de la COMESA;

Le Secrétaire exécutif de la Conférence internationale sur la région des Grands Lacs (ICGLR) a rejoint la facilitation le 22 mai.

Mesures d’apaisement et d’engagement mutuel

 Les parties ont échangé sur les points suivants :

la restauration des capacités de diffusion des radios et télévisions privées, la garantie du respect du droit à l’information;

la libération de toutes les personnes arrêtées et détenues à l’occasion des manifestations;

l’annulation des mandats d’arrêt lancés contre les personnalités politiques et de la société civile;

l’annulation de la décision du procureur général de la République sur la création d’une commission d’enquête spéciale sur les manifestations;

le principe du glissement du calendrier électoral dans la limite des termes constitutionnels des mandats;

la reprise de l’enseignement public et le report de la date du concours national en consultation avec les professionnels;

l’arrêt des manifestations;

le retrait de la candidature du Président Pierre Nkurunziza.

Les six premières mesures ont fait l’objet d’un accord de principe. Mais les parties ne se sont pas mises d’accord sur les deux derniers points, s’agissant de l’arrêt des manifestations et du retrait de la candidature du Président Pierre Nkurunziza.

Respect de la Constitution et des Accords d’Arusha dans le processus électoral

Les parties ont discuté longuement sur cette question, les unes (le gouvernement et le parti CNDD-FDD et les partis alliés) soutenant que la candidature était conforme à la Constitution et les autres (partis politiques de l’opposition et organisations de la société civile) maintenant que ce mandat n’était pas conforme à la Constitution.

La facilitation a pris acte des points de vue divergents des parties prenantes et le dialogue a pris note de ce que cette question fait l’objet de l’attention des Chefs d’Etat de la Communauté de l’Afrique de l’Est.

Gestion du calendrier électoral

Les parties ont convenu du principe du glissement du calendrier électoral pour créer les conditions propices à l’organisation des élections dans la limite des termes constitutionnels des mandats. Elles ont convenu de poursuivre les discussions sur ce point après le sommet de Dar Es Salaam.

Garanties et mesures pour des élections apaisées

 Les parties au dialogue ont échangé sur les questions suivantes:

• Sécurisation du processus électoral ;
• Sécurité des leaders politiques et de la société civile durant le processus électoral ;
• Désarmement des populations civiles armées ;
• Levées des mandats d’arrêt contre les leaders des partis politiques et de la société civile ;
• Renforcement de la CENI ;

La facilitation s’est engagée à faire des propositions sur chacune de ces mesures sur la base de la pratique des organisations régionales et de l’ONU sur toutes ces questions.

Droits et libertés politiques garantis par la Constitution

Les discussions sur ce point se sont focalisées sur les deux questions suivantes : le droit à l’information et le droit de manifester. La facilitation a mis en place deux groupes de travail représentatifs incluant des experts et des professionnels auxquels elle a confié le soin de réfléchir sur les questions liées aux médias et aux manifestations.

Durant la session du 28 mai, les parties prenantes ont examiné le document proposé par le groupe de travail sur le droit à l’information et la réouverture des radions et télévisions privées et l’ont adopté après quelques aménagements. 

Lors de la même session, les parties ont examiné le document préparé par le groupe de travail sur le droit de manifester. Les parties ont commencé à échanger sur ce document et il a été convenu de poursuivre l’examen de ce document après le sommet de Dar Es Salaam prévu le 31 mai 2015.

Conclusion

Tout au long du dialogue, les parties ont réitéré leur engagement à préserver l’Accord d’Arusha tel que reflété dans la constitution comme socle de la consolidation de la paix et de la stabilité du Burundi.

En concluant la session d’hier, j’ai tenu à remercier tous les participants au dialogue pour leur engagement à poursuivre leurs échanges qu’ils ont entamé le 5 mai en dépit des épreuves et des difficultés traversées. Je les félicite pour les progrès enregistrés dans le cadre de ce dialogue. Elles ont convenu de reprendre leurs échanges après le sommet de Dar Es Salaam. Je suis convaincu que les éclairages et les orientations qu’apportera le sommet contribueront à renforcer le dialogue inter-burundais et à lui donner un nouveau souffle. A la veille de ce sommet, je tiens à lancer un appel à toutes les parties à la retenue.

Said Djinnit

Envoyé Spécial du Secrétaire général des Nations Unies pour la région des Grands Lacs

Facilitateur du dialogue inter-burundais

Bujumbura, 29 mai 2015