Madam President, Members of the Security Council,
There have been several positive developments related to the nuclear weapon and ballistic missile programmes of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea over recent months.
On 20 April, the DPRK announced an immediate halt to nuclear explosive testing and flight tests of certain longer-range ballistic missiles.
On 24 May, the DPRK reportedly dismantled its Punggye-ri nuclear test site. The DPRK also reportedly dismantled missile-related infrastructure at the Iha-Ri missile test stand in May and the Sohae Satellite Launching Site in July. International experts, however, were not invited to witness any of these activities.
In the meantime, there continue to be signs the DPRK is maintaining and developing its nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programmes. The International Atomic Energy Agency – remains unable to access the DPRK and verify the correctness and completeness of the DPRK’s declarations under its safeguards agreement. The Agency continues to monitor developments through commercially available satellite imagery where possible. In his regular report to the IAEA Board of Governors and General Conference submitted on 20 August, the IAEA Director General reported that the Agency had observed signatures consistent with the continued operation of the plutonium production reactor, radiochemical laboratory and alleged uranium enrichment facility at Yongbyon.
The Secretary-General has welcomed the commitment made by Chairman Kim Jong Un of the State Affairs Commission of the DPRK on 5 September to realize the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.
It is hoped that the positive developments, together with the important summits between the leaders of the DPRK and the Republic of Korea and between the DPRK and the United States, respectively, will contribute to an atmosphere conducive to advancing sustainable peace and complete and verifiable denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula in accordance with relevant Security Council resolutions.
Security Council unity helped create the opportunity to engage diplomatically. A year ago, the Korean Peninsula was the most tense and dangerous peace and security issue in the world. Today, progress has been made on building trust, reducing military tensions, and opening or re-opening channels of communications. A foundation has been established to make tangible progress on the core issues.
We encourage all Member States to support the parties in their diplomatic efforts, and to ensure the full implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions.
I have been asked to brief today on the “United Nations Command” which is also referred to as the “Unified Command”.
Security Council resolution 84 of 7 July 1950 recommended that all Member States providing military forces and other assistance to the Republic of Korea should QUOTE - “make such forces and other assistance available to a unified command under the United States of America” - END QUOTE and requested the United States to designate the commander of such forces. The same resolution also authorised the unified command at its discretion to use the United Nations flag in the course of its operations concurrently with the flags of the various nations participating.
In its first report to the Security Council on the operation of the Command, the United States informed the Security Council that on 25 July 1950 the Unified Command was established and the Security Council first used the name “United Nations Command” in resolution 88 of 8 November 1950. Notwithstanding its name, the “United Nations Command” is not a United Nations operation or body, nor does it come under the command and control of the United Nations. Furthermore, it was not established as a subsidiary organ of the Security Council and is not funded through the United Nations budget.
As such, there are no reporting lines between the “United Nations Command” and the United Nations Secretariat.
The Secretary-General, during the upcoming high-level week of the United Nations General Assembly, will discuss how he and the United Nations system can further support the parties and how steps can be advanced towards sustainable peace, security, and complete and verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, in accordance with Security Council resolutions. He hopes that the inter-Korean summit starting in a few hours, as well as the planned summit between the leaders of the United States and the DPRK, will further contribute to this process. Thank you.
Sana’a, 16 September 2018: The United Nations is working to open a humanitarian medical air bridge for Yemeni civilians who are suffering from conditions which cannot be treated inside Yemen.
“The aim is to help patients suffering from cancer, chronic diseases and congenital anomalies receive the treatment they need,” said Dr. Nevio Zagaria, the Representative of the World Health Organization in Yemen. “Twelve conditions have been agreed. It’s so important that people...
Amman, 11 September 2018
Thank you very much, Madam President and Let me first express my sympathies to you Madam President, your government and your people on this tragic day that we have all mourned for so long.
When I called for the Intra-Yemeni Consultations in Geneva, I never expected it to be an easy mission. The parties have not met for more than two years. The war has been escalating virtually on all fronts...
The Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (DPPA) is fully committed to implementing the policy of “zero tolerance for sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA)”. This policy is enshrined in the Secretary-General’s system-wide strategy to combat sexual exploitation and abuse, which he launched in his report on “Special measures for protection from sexual exploitation and abuse: a new approach”, dated 28 February 2017.
SEA includes any sexual activity with minors or any actual or threatened physical intrusion of a sexual nature, whether by force or under unequal or coercive conditions; any actual or attempted abuse of position of vulnerability, differential power or trust, for sexual purposes, including, but not limited to, profiting monetarily, socially or politically from the sexual exploitation of another. This includes acts of transactional sex, solicitation of transactional sex, and exploitative relationships. In addition, military and police personnel in most of our missions have non-fraternization policies making relations with beneficiaries of assistance a breach of the standards of conduct.
The strategy has four main areas of action: 1) putting victims first; 2) ending impunity; 3) engaging civil society and external partners; and 4) improving strategic communications for education and transparency. In coordination with other departments and under the lead of the Special Coordinator on improving the United Nations response to sexual exploitation and abuse, DPPA is contributing to the development of tools and mechanisms aiming at enhancing system’s capacity to tackle the SEA scourge. For more details on SEA prevention, role of the Special Coordinator, the Victim Rights Advocate as well as Special Political Missions and Peacekeeping Operations and Agencies, Funds and Programmes could be found at: https://www.un.org/preventing-sexual-exploitation-and-abuse
Based on the departmental action plan, DPPA works closely with the office of the Special Coordinator, DMSPC, the Victim Rights Advocate as well as other organizations of the UN System for ensuring a coherent approach across the system for the full implementation of the activities detailed in the areas of action.
The infographic below describes how allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse involving UN personnel are addressed and managed:
In the case of Special Political Missions, when information about allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse is received, it is assessed by the respective Heads of Missions, by DOS/DPPA and/or by the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS). In a continuous manner, reconciliation of the information received by the various entities takes place, which aims to confirm whether information received refers to new allegations.
Record keeping and data tracking of allegations of misconduct commenced in 2006. By July 2008, DFS launched the Misconduct Tracking System (MTS) which is a global, restricted-access database and confidential tracking system for all allegations of misconduct. The MTS is managed by the Conduct and Discipline Unit (CDU) in DFS and it facilitates case management and information sharing between field missions and CDU.
Updates to the data on allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse are made once reconciliation and assessment of information has been completed, or when information has been received on the outcome of investigations or actions taken in response to substantiated allegations.
In order to receive notifications when a new case has been added to the database, you are encouraged to subscribe through the following link: https://conduct.unmissions.org/subscribe
To access the Report of the Secretary-General on Special measures for protection from sexual exploitation and abuse: a new approach: https://undocs.org/A/71/818
To report wrongdoing and misconduct: https://oios.un.org/page?slug=reporting-wrongdoinghttps://conduct.unmissions.org/report-misconduct
Geneva 08 September 2018 - Thank you very much and thank you all for coming. I can imagine it’s been quite a frustrating week for you. And I am sorry that was the case. And I am sorry for taking so long to come here. I will do as you say: give a few remarks and take some questions.
So, for me the important aspect of these last few days is that we have started consultations. The process of beginning, the road back to peace, has started. Not quite in the way that we would...
Bogotá, 06 September 2018. In recent weeks, six leaders of four Territorial Areas for Training and Reintegration (TATRs) and one new regrouping point (NRP) in the Southeastern region of the country decided to leave these Areas and abandon their responsibilities to approximately 1,500 ex-combatants residing there.
Mission personnel charged with verification of these Areas are closely monitoring this situation and have confirmed that, despite the departure of these leaders...
Thank you, Madam President, for this opportunity. We believe this is a very appropriate timing for doing it, particularly because the focus is on Idlib. We have been hearing it during these last few days, we are all terribly concerned. All the ingredients exist for a “perfect storm” with potentially devastating humanitarian consequences, and other consequences as well.
First of all, a little summary of facts. I’m sure John Ging will be also able to refer to the humanitarian aspects of it. The UN’s independent and best-available assessments put at least 2.9 million people inside the Idlib area, 2.9 million people, almost 3 million - among them one million children and 1.4 million people who already have been displaced at least once. There are listed Security Council terrorist groups – including non-Syrians, foreign fighters. Those that have been doing terrible things in many other places. They are also there. And there are also armed opposition groups, many of whom have been evacuated to Idlib through reconciliation agreements and are not part of the terrorist groups. But the overwhelming preponderance of people in Idlib are civilians.
President Assad has stated that restoring sovereignty and defeating terrorists remain the priority of the Syrian government. Senior government officials have further stated that retaking Idlib is the next goal. Senior Iranian and Russian officials have spoken in strong terms of their determination to purge terrorists in Idlib.
At the same time, they have indicated that 1) the Government would prefer to see so-called reconciliation agreements rather than military action, 2) that a Russian-Turkish understanding is crucially important, and 3) that Syria does not want a confrontation with Turkey. These are Syrian government official statements we have been recording recently. Russia has been in intensive dialogue with Turkey, and all eyes today are on what transpires after the Presidential Summit between Iran, Russia and Turkey, which has just concluded in Tehran.
Meanwhile, reports suggest increased deployments of government and its affiliated forces and equipment near the Idlib de-escalation zone. Yes, this used to be, and still officially is, a de-escalation zone. Airstrikes and mutual artillery shelling have been reported on its perimeter for the past month, resulting in deaths and injuries on both sides – with an intensification since 4 September.
Meanwhile, the leader of what they call Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, but basically al-Nusra, has publicly signaled the group’s intention to fight. On 2 September, photos of a weaponized drone were circulated online, after it landed on the Ghab plain – ostensibly the same model that the Russian Federation claims was used to carry out several attacks on the Hmeimim airbase in recent months.
For their part, armed opposition groups in Idlib have reportedly been fortifying their own positions, digging tunnels and trenches and detonating bridges. Many of these armed opposition groups, those who are not terrorist groups, have in parallel pleaded publicly for the Astana guarantors to secure a non-military solution.
Since early August, almost every single armed opposition group in Idlib has now come under the banner of what is called the National Liberation Front. This includes various groups who have been operating under the same banner with al-Nusra in the past. If this is confirmed, and we seem to be hearing that, this can be taken as a sign of their willingness to separate from al-Nusra. And we hope that they now take even further steps to separate themselves from listed terrorist groups. I note in this context that, at the end of August, Turkey made it clear that it views Hayat Tahrir al-Sham – that is al-Nusra – as a terrorist organization, sending a strong signal to armed groups to separate from al-Nusra from now on.
We have seen statements and counter-statements regarding potential chemical weapons use; we have seen warnings and counter-warnings about the dangers of a major assault on Idlib; and we have seen intensified military presence in the region.
I have laid out for you, Madam President, all the ingredients for a perfect storm. The dangers are profound that any battle for Idlib would be a horrific and bloody battle. Civilians are its potential victims, and there are ever-present dangers, in the case of a full-scale assault, of incidents or rapid escalations involving regional and international players. Let’s remember that there is no Idlib after Idlib to which people can be evacuated or at least feel safer during combat.
There must be and is another way than all out military escalation. The Security Council cannot accept that the civilians of Idlib must face this fate. Efforts to combat terrorism do not supersede obligations under international law and the moral conscience of humanity. We must put the sanctity of human, civilian lives above everything else. That is why we are urging all stakeholders to contribute to find a formula to prevent a terrible tragedy while at the same time allow the issue of Security Council-designated terrorist groups to be addressed. The declaration issued by Presidents Putin, Erdogan and Rouhani states that they decided to address the situation in Idlib, and I quote, “in the spirit of cooperation that characterized the Astana format”. We don’t have much more details on that. We would like to see what this means in practice in order to address this issue. They are the guarantors of this last de-escalation area. Therefore, they have a direct influence over the warring parties, and responsibility to solve it. And I’m sure Idlib is at the top of their agenda as it was shown in the Tehran meeting.
I look at other key actors - including the Gulf, and many other countries - who have leverage over non-terrorist armed opposition groups to do whatever they can to ensure that they put civilians first and separate from Al-Nusra. I am concerned about reports that many groups - not all - have become increasingly desperate and in some cases ruthless.
My colleague John Ging from OCHA will brief you on what must happen on the humanitarian side to protect civilians and the humanitarian response plan, but let me emphasize: people should be granted safe passage to places of their choosing if they want to leave temporarily. We must allow the opening of a sufficient number of protected voluntary evacuation routes for civilians in any direction: east, north and south. And for that, we [the UN] must be granted access, at scale. The UN stands ready, me included and I am sure all my colleagues of the humanitarian team, to work with all parties on the spot and elsewhere on the modalities and parameters for the establishment and functioning of such voluntary evacuation routes, if it was required, with full respect for international humanitarian law and human rights principles.
Let me further reiterate the Secretary-General’s clear position that any use of chemical weapons is totally, totally, unacceptable. As the OPCW has found, the norm against the use of chemical weapons has been repeatedly violated in Syria. This must not happen again. I cannot stress enough the danger associated with any alleged use of these weapons, not only in humanitarian terms, but also the acute threat to maintaining international peace and security. But I equally strongly underscore that the overwhelming majority of civilians have been killed in Syria by indiscriminate or sometimes targeted attacks against civilians by conventional weapons, and these are also abhorrent and unacceptable.
One last point: all this talk of an assault which can produce a “perfect storm” on Idlib is happening at exactly the same time than there is serious talk of moving on a constitutional committee, and desires to urge Syrian refugees to return to their country. These narratives do not sit well one beside the other. Either we are trying to find a political way to end this war and move to a post-war political scenario, or we will see this war reach new levels of horror. That is why today’s meeting in Tehran is so important, and why I am convening Iran, Russia and Turkey in Geneva next Monday and Tuesday, and then, on Friday, Egypt, France, Germany, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom and the United States. It would be the ultimate failure of imagination and of diplomacy if with all this effort we simply saw in increase of military activities.
Let me conclude with two points, if I may, Madam President. The first one is: I have seen today many people coming from Idlib. Civilians. They are civilians representing 2.9 million people. They are women, normal doctors, farmers, people. They are almost 3 million. They have been initiating demonstrations, peaceful demonstrations. They have been lighting candlelights at night, to show that in these homes there are normal people, not terrorists. They are 3 million civilians. And I have been inspired by what they have been telling me because they have been asking us, the UN, and through us yourselves, to also express their voices. In that context if you allow me, in the private chamber, since the question of separating terrorists from others and protecting civilians and giving a voice to the civilians, since I have been asked if we have ideas at the UN, we do have some ideas and I will take the liberty of elaborating on them when we meet in the private chamber. Any idea, any proposal to avoid this becoming the biggest humanitarian tragedy at the end of the most horrible recent conflict in our history, should be given a chance.
FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN SOMALIA: STILL NOT A GIVEN
UN report finds despite some advances, lack of legislation hampering progress
Mogadishu – Somalia has made progress in ensuring the right to freedom of expression but needs to do more to end the challenges that remain – including killings, beatings, harassment, arbitrary arrests and illegal detention, lack of due process or fair trial and the closure of...